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I. Middle Ages and Renaissance, to 1600



The word universitas in later medieval Latin meant any association of individuals and was not restricted to a ‘university’ in the modern sense. The history of the English term ‘university’ and its European cognates therefore shows how the organization of higher learning in the 12th and 13th centuries was shaped by the spread of sworn associations and professional corporations that is an outstanding feature of Western civilization in the Middle Ages and Renaissance. In considering these ‘universities’, the danger of anachronism is severe, hence the cardinal importance of proceeding cautiously in the early period, especially the decades from 1180 to 1230, which saw rise of Notre Dame polyphony; in the Western tradition this is the only musical development of epoch-making significance to have taken place in a university city.

The germinating cells of the universities were the masters (magistri). During the ‘long’ 12th century from 1090 to 1210, the period of the nascent universities, a magister was generally a person who had shown such aptitude at a secular school that his best choice of career, at least initially, was to become a schoolmaster himself. Because most of Latin Christendom experienced a phase of urban renewal and demographic increase after about 1050, a process that continued (albeit with less sudden energy) into the 16th century and beyond, the masters invariably based themselves in cities where a relatively abundant supply of money, sustenance and pupils was to be had. The master, in his urban school that was perhaps no more than a rented room, taught his pupils how to read Latin and to compose Latin verse; he also instilled in them some connoisseurship of classical and late antique texts such as the De consolatione philosophiae of Boethius. He might also extend his teaching to logic and dialectic. The evidence that some of these magistri composed polyphony appears early. The ‘Codex Calixtinus’ (12th century) contains a number of polyphonic pieces attributed in a slightly later hand to various magistri, including two items by ‘Master Goslenus bishop of Soissons’. Goslenus became bishop in 1126, when he would have assumed the title dominus; if the attribution in the ‘Codex Calixtinus’ is trustworthy, the term magister may carry the date of composition back to the years around 1112 when Goslenus was a noted authority in Paris for his studies of speculative grammar and his opposition to Peter Abelard.

Such evidence is important for establishing the pre-history of the Notre Dame school of polyphonic music, but it reveals little about the formal study of music at Paris. Just as a magister of the Middle Ages and Renaissance might have a limited professional interest in the writings of Fathers such as Augustine – the texts that enflamed the monastic love of learning – so too he did not usually teach plainchant. If the master’s classes touched upon music it was principally through the medium of revered texts such as the De nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii of Martianus Capella or the De musica of Boethius. Numerous treatises on plainchant were composed in the 13th century, and indeed later, but Dyer (1990) has emphasized that they reveal only modest traces of the masters’ fundamental technique of comparing the authoritative texts in their inheritance, posing questions (quaestiones) to explore the contradictions between them and then devising a solutio to resolve the question posed. (One author who did, Elias Salomon, showed by his eccentric manner and shaky Latin that he was far from being a magister in the sense described above.) The scholastic colouring is also light in most treatises on polyphony from the period before 1450 or so, and even in the most rigorously taxonomic and objective treatises, such as the Regule of Robert de Handlo, it is rarely to be found or does not appear at all. Certainly it is not to be confused with the use of a rigorous structure of argument and the use of Aristotelian conceptions such as ‘proper’ and ‘accident’ or ‘species’ and ‘genus’; these were the common property of most men after about 1150 who had been educated to read and write Latin on technical subjects. Revealing evidence on this point is provided by a manual for arts students at Paris, compiled between 1230 and 1240–45 (now in E-Bac, Ripoll 109; facs. of section concerning music in Page, 1989, p.140). This mentions the set texts in arts and gives specimen questions and answers to be studied by candidates for examinations. The only set text for music is the De musica of Boethius, which remained among the fundamental materials for the university study of music until at least the 16th century. There is no evidence in this syllabus for the existence of ‘university music texts’ (Yudkin, 1990) other than Boethius, at least at this date.

Where early records still exist, exact musical requirements are often specified: at Prague (1367) ‘ordinary (non-holiday) lectures on music were given as well as on arithmetic, geometry and astronomy’; at Vienna (1389) ‘some books on music and some on arithmetic’ was the requirement for bachelors seeking the licentiate; at Cologne (1398) a one-month study of ‘music in two parts’, perhaps consisting of theory and practice, was required; at Kraków (1400) aspirants to the magisterium heard music lectures for a month; and at Oxford (1431) ‘music for the term of a year’ was required of magisterial candidates.

The study of music as a liberal discipline was supplemented by other university activities such as academic exercises, masses and investitures, and there was also much informal singing, dancing and instrumental performance. Private music instruction was available to those who wanted it, and instruction was regularly given in choir schools connected with university foundations. The school of Notre Dame was allied to the university in Paris, as were St Stephen’s, the Neckarschule and the Thomasschule to univeristies in Vienna, Heidelberg and Leipzig. Collges at Oxford and Cambridge provided for choristers to supply a constant flow of religious services, and some college statutes emphasized music. Thus Queen’s College, Oxford, required chapel clerks skilled in plainchant and polyphony to instruct the choristers, and both New College and All Souls demanded musical proficiency of all their applicants.

Paris undoubtedly provided a congenial environment for men interested in music, and throughout the later Middle Ages and Renaissance other universities did the same, notably those at Padua, which provided the milieu for the works of Prosdocimus de Beldemandis, and Oxford, a city that was at least temporarily a home to Walter Odington. Well into the 15th century, however, the question of whether the composition and study of polyphonic music existed as an established university subject remains open in many cases. Palisca (1985) maintains that ‘music early earned a place alongside the disciplines of the humanist curriculum in the main Italian centres of learning’ while judiciously admitting that the facts on which to base such a judgment are ‘meagre’ (p.8). The issue perhaps rests, in part, on what is meant by ‘music’ and ‘musical studies’. For Johannes Gallicus of Namur (d 1473), who studied at the school founded by Vittorino da Feltre at the court of Gianfrancesco Gonzaga in Mantua in 1424, musical studies were conducted with the same textbook used by students in Paris two centuries earlier, namely ‘the Musica of Boethius’. The retention of Boethius – even if he was read somewhat differently, as is surely the case – points to the essential issue. The fundamental requirement for a university subject in the Middle Ages and Renaissance was that its material should be sensed as a universal. The emergence of the university at Bologna, one of the earliest in Europe, is intimately connected with the rediscovery of Roman law and its gradual dissemination throughout western Europe. Theology and medicine, the two other subjects studied in the Higher Faculties, may be spoken of in similar terms, especially in relation to Paris, Salerno and Montpellier. Until the mid-15th century at the earliest, polyphonic music could not readily be regarded in this light because there was no central musical language for polyphonic composition. The rise of ‘music’ to become a ‘university subject’, in something like the sense in which both of these terms are now understood, is linked to the process, chronicled by Strohm (1993), whereby a common language of polyphony emerged in Europe during the period 1380–1500. Music degrees were instituted at Cambridge, and probably at Oxford, in the mid-15th century; it has been claimed that a ‘chair of music’ existed at Salamanca much earlier and a chair was endowed at Bologna in 1450. Evidence like this may easily be multiplied, and it has often been assembled, notably by Carpenter (1958). As Strohm has emphasized, it reveals that the generation of 1450–90 provided the men who ‘began creatively to engage in the development of the art’ as university teachers (p.293).

During the early Renaissance, university music instruction continued to follow a medieval pattern. Musica speculativa was still an essential part of the Quadrivium, and practical musical skills were cultivated in collegiate foundations. Universities established during this period, such as Leuven, Basle and Wittenberg, insisted on musical requirements similar to those of older institutions. Although music taught as a science was gradually allied with physics, it continued to be emphasized as a separate art. The linking of music to humanistic studies, partaicularly Greek and Latin literature, was characteristic of the Renaissance period. At Paris, which was strongly conservative, music remained a mathematical science until the end of the 16th century when it became part of physics, and treatises by mathematicians such as Oronce Finé, the first professor of mathematics in the Collège de France, emphasize this connection. At Prague, knowledge of Johannes de Muris’s Musica, a traditional requirement, was not insisted on after 1528, and in Germany it was not demanded after the mid-century, when musica speculativa became part of physics. In German universities a number of eminent theorists and composers (including Cochlaeus, Listenius, Glarean and Ornithoparchus) with an interest in contemporary music taught either publicly on a university stipend or privately.

The association of musical studies with classical poetry was strong during the Renaissance. The Collegium Poetarum et Mathematicorum, established in Vienna early in the 16th century under Conradus Celtes, became important for the cultivation of choral ode settings. At the Collège de Coqueret in Paris, Jean Dorat, professor of Greek and the teacher of Pierre de Ronsard, sang Greek poetry to a lute accompaniment and investigated Greek theories of the emotional powers of music; similar examinations were the main concert of the Pléiade and Baïf’s Académie de Poésie et de Musique. Several poets held the chair of music at Salamanca in the 16th century, among them Juan del Encina. Wimpheling’s Stylpho, the earliest of all humanistic Schuldramen to incorporate ode settings, was performed at Heidelberg; and at Uppsala the musician appointed to teach singing was even called professor poeteos et musices.

English universities were unique in awarding degrees in music, although they did not maintain staff, and candidates learnt music privately. At Cambridge in 1464 Henry Abyndon, the earliest recorded recipient of an English music degree, became MusB and later that year received the MusD. The earliest recorded BMus at Oxford was Henry Parker, eminent ‘for his Compositions in Vocal and Instrumental Musick’, who received the degree in 1502, though in the same year Robert Wydow of Oxford was incorporated MusB at Cambridge, and must therefore have taken the degree earlier. The earliest known recipient of the Oxford DMus is Fayrfax, who was incorporated from Cambridge in 1511. During the century, many important English musicians obtained degrees from one or both of these universities. Degree requirements were perhaps stricter at Cambridge, where proof of theoretical and practical experience was required. Even Tye had to prove, before ‘incepting’, that he had spent many years studying and practising music beyond the MusB and to compose a mass to be sung at commencement. Oxford awarded honorary degrees in music: Heyther, for example, received both BMus and DMus at the same time; Orlando Gibbons, who composed Heyther’s commencement anthem, was created DMus ‘to accompany Dr Heather’. Late 16th-century statutes of both Oxford and Cambridge list numerous fees imposed on music candidates who ranked with candidates in the higher faulties of law, medicine and theology.

Unlike their counterparts in Germany, France and England the Italian universities played only a modest part in music teaching during the Renaissance. The only certain example of a chair of music at an Italian university during the early part of the period is that held by Gaffurius at Pavia in the 1490s, which Kristeller believed to have been granted to him as a special favour by Lodovico Sforza. Of course there was a good deal of private instruction given in university institutions, such as that of Ramos de Pareia in Bologna, but the main centres of music education in Italy throughout the 15th and 16th centuries remained the cathedrals and courts.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Universities, §I: Medieval and Renaissance

BIBLIOGRAPHY

N.C. Carpenter: Music in the Medieval and Renaissance Universities (New York, 1958/R)

M. Huglo: ‘L'enseignement de la musique à l'Université de Paris au Moyen Age’, L'enseignement de la musique au Moyen Age et à la Renaissance: Royaumont 1985, 73–9

C. Meyer: ‘L'enseignement de la musique dans les universités allemandes au Moyen Age’, ibid., 87–95

C.V. Palisca: Humanism in Italian Renaissance Musical Thought (New Haven, CT, 1985)

J.K. Hyde: ‘Universities and Cities in Medieval Italy’, The University and the City: from Medieval Origins to the Present, ed. T. Bender (Oxford, 1986), 13–21

R.W. Southern: ‘The Changing Rôle of Universities in Medieval Europe’, Historical Research, lx (1987), 134–46

C. Wright: ‘Music in the History of the Universities’, AcM, lix (1987), 8–10 [report on Round Table I, IMSCR XIV: Bologna 1987, 27–89]

C. Page: The Owl and the Nightingale: Musical Life and Ideas in France 1100–1300 (London, 1989)

B.B. Price: ‘Master by Any Other Means’, Renaissance and Reformation, xiii (1989), 115–34

J. Verger: ‘L'université de Paris et ses collèges au temps de Jérôme de Moravie’, Jérôme de Moravie: Royaumont 1989, 15–31 [with Eng. summary]

C. Wright: Music and Ceremony at Notre Dame of Paris 500–1550 (Cambridge, 1989)

M. Huglo: ‘The Study of Ancient Sources of Music Theory in the Medieval Universities’, Music Theory and its Sources: Antiquity and the Middle Ages, ed. A. Barbera (Notre Dame, IN, 1990), 150–72

J. Yudkin: ‘The Influence of Aristotle on French University Music Texts’, ibid., 73–89

J. Dyer: ‘Chant Theory and Philosophy in the Late Thirteenth Century’, Cantus Planus IV: Pécs 1990, 99–118

F.A. Gallo: ‘La musica in alcune prolusioni universitarie bolognesi del XV secolo’, Sapere è poeter: discipline, dispute e professioni nell'università medievale e moderna: il caso bolognese a confonto, ed. L. Avellini, A. Cristiani and A. de Benedictis (Bologna, 1990), ii, 205–15

D. García Fraile: ‘La cátedra de musica de la Universidad de Salamanca durante diecisieti años del siglo XV (1464–1481)’, AnM, xlvi (1991), 57–101

C. Panti: ‘The First Questio of MS. Paris, B.N., lat.7372: Utrum musica sit scientia’, Studi medievali, 3rd ser., xxxiii (1992), 265–313

C.H. Kneepens: ‘Orleans 266 and the Sophismata Collection: Master Jocelin of Soissons and the Infinite Words in the Early Twelfth Century’, Sophisms in Medieval Logic and Grammar, ed. S. Read (Dordecht, 1993), 64–85

C.V. Palisca: ‘Francisco de Salinas et l'humanisme italien’, Musique et humanisme à la Renaissance (Paris, 1993), 37–45

R. Strohm: The Rise of European Music 1380–1500 (Cambridge, 1993)

O. Weijers: ‘L'enseignement du trivium à la faculté des arts de Paris: la questio’, Manuels, programmes de cours et techniques d'enseignement dans les universités médiévales: actes du colloque international de Louvain-la-Neuve, 9–11 September 1993, ed. J. Hamesse (Louvain-la-Neuve, 1994), 57–74

J.P. Wei: ‘The Self-Image of the Masters of Theology at the University of Paris in the Late Thirteenth and Early Fourteenth Centuries’, Journal of Ecclesiastical History, xlvi (1995), 397–431

Universities

II. 1600–1945

This period falls into two segments: 1600–1750, when the learned study of music shifted away from musica speculativa towards artistic or practical concerns; and 1750–1945, which brought the rise of studies in music history, professorial appointments and a growing role for universities within public musical life. One might see a dichotomy between a practical interest in music in Britain and a more scholarly one in Germany, but the two leading countries in this history differed less than might appear.

1. 1600–1750.

2. Towards the modern university.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Universities, §II: 1600–1945

1. 1600–1750.

Five areas need to be considered: curriculum, professional posts, ceremonies, musical life and intellectual life. Music played a small role in university curricula at least until the early 19th century. That was also true of other comparable subjects (art and literature, for example); the universities served basically law, medicine and the church, and to some extent mathematics, and attending it was not expected of a young man of means. Music was taught instead in the church, in the home and in the musician's studio; it had its own university, one might say, in the great cathedrals and courtly establishments.

Yet music played an important part in the ceremonies of many universities, either their religious rites or the acts where degrees were bestowed. The anniversary of a university's founding was usually honoured with an imposing musical performance. The heads of university choirs tended to be high-level musicians who linked academic and civic, religious and musical institutions. Performers came and went from other areas of a university; a choirboy would go on to a professional school but came back to sing in the collegium musicum. Law or jurisprudence seems to have a particularly close relationship to music: Handel and Forkel are two of many musicians who spent their early years in that discipline, and the directing board of the Leipzig Gewandhaus concerts always had at least one faculty member from it.

A rich world of private and public activities played a central part in the social life of most university communities. As Thomas Mace put it (Musick's Monument, 1676), ‘our University of Cambridge … [is] the home of eminent Performances upon the lute by divers very worthy Persons’, and the subscription list for his book included 150 names from the university. In most places there existed a private music society; Franz Uffenbach said of his visit to Cambridge in 1710, at the one meeting weekly in Christ's College, ‘there are no professional musicians there but simply bachelors, masters and doctors of music who perform … till 11 at night’. Social and intellectual tendencies flowed together: Milton, the son of a musician who studied at Cambridge, 1625–32, wrote his first essay on the music of the spheres.

Differences between the two major confessions brought about major differences in the roles that music played in universities. In Catholic areas those responsible for teaching music could not presume to determine what sort of music was appropriate for the church. University chapels therefore remained limited to a devotional function; in France and Italy particularly the universities played limited roles in musical life after the middle of the 17th century. In Protestant areas, however, the study of practical music entered the university out of the need to understand how cantus ecclesiasticus, the music of the divine service, should properly be accomplished. The Lutheran and Anglican churches allowed the greatest latitude to the highly learned musicians found in university institutions, giving them special opportunities for leadership and innovation. A.H. Francke (d 1727), for example, Rektor of the influential Friedrichs-Universität in Halle, became the spokesman for the new pietistic role of sacred music that harnessed expressive power to serve an ascetic, pious religious life.

The most important early establishment of a university post for a practising musician occurred through the gift of William Heyther to Oxford University shortly before he died in 1627. A lay vicar of Westminster Abbey and a Gentleman of the Chapel Royal, he brought the position about through the agency of William Camden, headmaster of Westminster School, who himself endowed what came to be the Camden Chair of Ancient History. Initially, Heyther dictated that there be a master and a lecturer of music. Whereas the former became a permanent post in Oxford musical life called the Music Professor, the latter became a single annual presentation by a succession of speakers. The outcome indicates how practical rather than theoretical music became recognized the more firmly.

Oxford served as the principal centre from which interest in earlier (or ‘ancient’) music developed. While this activity was not considered in very theoretical terms until the late 18th century, the musical life surrounding the university can be credited for helping establish the first set of notions and practices definably ‘canonic’. Henry Aldrich (1648–1710), dean of Christ Church and a major figure in religious disputes, held regular meetings of musicians and interested people in his rooms to perform such music. Similarly, Thomas Tudway wrote an early example of music history – prefaces to a collection of sacred works he made for Robert Harley – while resident in Cambridge. Moreover, the professors of music tended to be men of some learning who took a close interest in the development of a music library and, it would seem, informally educated students in the historical progress of music as they saw it. The most prominent such professor in the 18th century, the elder William Hayes, demonstrated an unusually wide historical knowledge in his Remarks on Mr. Avison's Essay on Musical Expression (1753). William Crotch gave formal lectures, both in Oxford and London, and published his Substance of Several Courses of Lectures on Music in 1831.

On the Continent, musical posts did not rank as high as they did in England; the designation of a professor musices in Basle, Samuel Mareschall, in the 1570s, was unusual. But many universities, especially those in Protestant areas, appointed a director of musical activities who became an important figure in the university and also the town. Such a person was appointed as director musices in Uppsala in 1687, and ordinaris musicant in Leiden in 1693, to supervise what were called the collegia musica. In Leipzig a special arrangement developed by which the Kantor of the Thomaskirche also took charge of university music, which formed a regular part of J.S. Bach's duties.

As was the case in the Middle Ages, universities were not discrete institutions but in reality a collection of different and separate academic units, some of an entrepreneurial nature. Thus music schools and humanistic academies developed where singing and playing might be studied and compositions performed. A notable academy of this sort, the Accademia de' Dissonanti, was established at Modena by Duke Francesco II d'Este about 1683, in close conjunction with the founding of the University of Modena. Among the compositions written for it were several cantatas by G.B. Vitali. Such musical activities generally flourished only in proximity to a university. By the same token, from the 16th century onwards, at many universities dancing-masters were appointed who in effect started small schools of their own. This was particularly common in Germany; the dancing-master would instruct students in the ars saltatoria in order to develop them as what was called ‘qualificierte Menschen’. Around 1700 there were six such masters at the University of Leipzig, who also gave instruction in French and Italian, acrobatics and manners.

Just as musical activities interpenetrated the universities' social life, so the intellectual dimensions of musical culture were interwoven within the learned disciplines discussed though not necessarily taught there. What is important is less what was supposedly taught – always a difficult matter to determine – but how members of a university and the many people who passed through these cosmopolitan towns mingled musical topics within other kinds of study in informal discussion and writing.

Between the early 16th century and the early 19th there was a fundamental transformation in the role that music played within Western musical life, and the result was to bring it much more closely into university teaching and writing. What limited the role of music within the universities' intellectual life before the mid-18th century was that few amateurs mastered the rigours of learned composition, the sacred and academic polyphony taught in the cathedrals. Music was further limited by the absence of a corpus of great works from antiquity, such as was regarded as the starting-point for a learned discipline and a pantheon of great works.

Indeed, the tradition of scientific and philosophical study of music in theoretical terms lasted in some respects to the end of the 18th century. While the writings of Boethius were no longer closely involved in musical thinking or pedagogy by the middle of the 16th century, they remained at least to be mentioned as pertinent to courses of study in many places. Scientific thinkers in 17th-century Cambridge (Isaac Newton among them) continued to apply astrological notions to musical tuning even though that subject was no longer closely linked to ideas about the harmony of the spheres. Rameau clung to some such ideas. But at the same time, by 1600 music took a prominent place within the newer areas of discourse in the universities. Even though Mersenne was not based in a university, his thinking on musica poetica was read and discussed there; by the end of the 18th century such ideas evolved into musical aesthetics. In such a fashion, musical learning became reorientated from metaphysical science to the humanistic arts.

In a concrete sense, the history of music in the university is the study of the history of music theory found in musical treatises. If the medieval musica speculativa, the glossing of texts by Boethius or Ptolemy, had only a slight connection to the study of psalmody or secular song, by the end of the Renaissance musica pratica meant theoretical discussion of harmony and counterpoint and their application to composition. Other treatises explained all areas of practical music, from music for dinner or dancing in the halls to the more refined sorts of song. The vast majority of treatises can be directly or indirectly linked to a university environment, where they were copied or read by succeeding generations of students and other transients. The challenge to the historian is to determine to what extent treatises actually constituted part of the learning process of the university: did they merely grow out of the university environment, or were they actual texts of lectures given in the Faculty of Arts? Since learning the Quadrivium had never taken deep root in the universities of eastern Europe, practical music was much more important within musical pedagogy there than further west. While treatises written in France or Italy rarely included examples of known, composed pieces, those east of the Elbe usually included many, in some cases works not found in western collections.

Universities, §II: 1600–1945


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