The roles of the second chamber

As well as considering the roles which a new second chamber should play, we need to consider the roles which it might play. Four separate strands of thinking have long dominated discussions about the possible roles of second chambers. We consider each in turn.

Counsel from a range of sources

 The view of the classical world, as expressed by Aristotle and reflected in the constitution of republican Rome, was that good governance required those in power to take ‘counsel from a range of sources’. One potentially important role for a reformed second chamber might therefore be to provide a means whereby a range of different experiences and points of view – different, not least, from those of the House of Commons – could be brought to bear on proposed legislation and on public affairs more generally. The old House of Lords clearly played such a role, often successfully. We believe that the new second chamber should continue to play such a role. Its demonstrated ability to do so, and to do so effectively, would clearly add considerably to its overall authority.

Estates of the realm

The medieval view, not just in this country but throughout most of Europe, was that the principal ‘estates of the realm’ needed to be represented separately in any national assembly. Power in the state effectively resided in the estates; the structure of the national assemblies was organised to reflect that. The institution of Parliament in England and Wales and later in the whole United Kingdom originally embodied such a conception.

The commoners were represented in the House of Commons; the lords, both temporal and spiritual, in the House of Lords. No commoner could sit in the House of Lords; no lord (except the bearer of a courtesy title) could sit in the House of Commons. The notion of strictly defined estates of the realm makes no sense in the context of today’s far more heterogeneous, far more fluid society. Nevertheless, we believe that the new second chamber does have a role to play in being broadly representative of United Kingdom society as it is now – ideally, considerably more representative than are the members of the present House of Commons – and in reflecting the diverse experiences and traditions of that society.

Checks and balances

 A third strand of historical thinking about second chambers has been concerned with what the authors of the United States Constitution, the Founding Fathers, thought of as ‘checks and balances’. The Founding Fathers’ view, as expressed in The Federalist Papers, was that a second chamber was desirable in a legislative assembly to “double the security of the people by requiring the concurrence of two distinct bodies”. As the House of Representatives in the United States was to be popularly elected, a powerful Senate, chosen on a different basis, was essential to act as a brake on the tendency of popular assemblies, “stimulated by some irregular passion .., or misled by the artful representations of interested men, to call for measures which they themselves will afterwards be most ready to lament and condemn” ( The Federalist. Paper 62. Alexander Hamilton and James Madison). We would not want to go that far but, as we have already indicated, we believe there is a role for the reformed second chamber to play as a check on the Government, with its majority in the House of Commons (the ‘popular assembly’).

The American notion of checks and balances, carried over into the United Kingdom system of government, could express itself in three areas: scrutinising the actions of the executive and holding it to account; participating in the legislative process; and playing a role in connection with proposed constitutional change.

The new second chamber should play an active role, complementary to that of the House of Commons, in scrutinising the executive and holding it to account. The House of Commons often finds it difficult both to sustain in power the Government of the day and to act as an effective check upon it. A revitalised second chamber could enhance the ability of Parliament as a whole to provide an effective check on the executive.

 This conclusion is reinforced by the findings of a study of unicameral (single chamber) parliaments around the world, commissioned by the Scottish Office in preparation for the establishment of the Scottish Parliament. The study found that the few successful unicameral parliaments that exist in the world, far from being dominated by an untrammelled executive, incorporate alternative checking and balancing devices. These include proportional representation, usually leading to minority or coalition governments; significant rights for minority parties; powerful backbench and other external scrutiny arrangements; and constitutional and/or judicial controls on the power of the executive.

Given the present nature of the constitutional settlement in the United Kingdom and in the absence of the kinds of constraints to be found in countries with unicameral systems, it falls to the second chamber in this country to assist Parliament as a whole to play its checking and balancing role.

The House of Lords already plays an active part in the legislative process in the United Kingdom, and many second chambers overseas are referred to as being, like the House of Lords, ‘revising’ chambers. Having two legislative chambers facilitates the scrutiny of legislation and improves the quality of legislative drafting. It allows greater flexibility in the legislative timetable, more opportunity for interested parties to press for improvements to draft legislation and more time for second thoughts to develop and be reflected in the final form of legislation. The existence of a second chamber also facilitates the taking of ‘counsel from a range of sources’ in connection with legislation.

 It is not enough, however, for the second chamber merely to add its own voice to the other voices raised in legislative debates. It must, in addition, have the formal power to require those who initiate legislation to justify their proposals to the public and to both Houses of Parliament – if need be for a second time. Using this power, the second chamber can raise issues which the House of Commons has neglected and can bring considerable political pressure to bear on both the House of Commons and the Government. But we take the general view that even limited powers to refer issues back for consideration or to impose a delay could, if exercised with restraint and only when occasion clearly demanded it, have a substantial political impact. If a reformed second chamber were to express concern about a particular Government proposal and exercise whatever powers of delay or referral were available, that would lead to (renewed) public and media interest in the issue, with opportunities for the causes of concern to be set out. It would force the Government to reconsider the issues in the light of that interest, and it would give members of the House of Commons an opportunity to revisit the issues and make the final determination in the light of all the relevant information. The Government of the day would have to take such powers and their consequences into account in drafting its legislation in the first place as well as in seeking to put it on the statute book.

 As regards proposed constitutional changes, the Commission merely notes at this stage that many second chambers overseas have an explicit role to play in safeguarding their country’s constitution. Many are accorded enhanced powers in connection with constitutional issues. However, because of the absence of a written constitution, the position in the United Kingdom is more complicated. On the one hand, a case can be made out that the new second chamber in this country should play a more clearly defined role with regard to constitutional matters and issues relating to human rights. On the other, there are a number of substantial difficulties in the idea of assigning the second chamber a significant formal role as ‘guardian of the constitution’.

The new second chamber should have the ability effectively to scrutinise the actions of the executive, including its legislative proposals; that it should have sufficient authority to ensure that it will be listened to when it draws attention to issues of concern; and that it should have sufficient power to require the Government of the day to consider its legitimate concerns. It should, in short, have the power to make the Government of the day think again, even against its will.

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