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Suggestions for Further Reading
Аракин В.Д. Очерки по истории английского языка. М., 1955.
Бруннер К. История английского языка. Пер. с нем. М.: Иностранная литература, т. I-II, 1955-1956.
Введение в германскую филологию/Арсеньева М. Г., Балашова С.П., Берков В. П., Соловьева Л. Н./—М., 1980.
Иванова И. П., Беляева Т. М. Хрестоматия по истории английского языка. Л., 1973.
Иванова И.П., Чахоян Л.П. История английского языка. М., 1976.
Идьиш Б. А. История английского языка. Л., 1973.
Линский С. С. Сборник упражнений по истории английского языка. Л., 1963. Плоткнн В. Я. Очерк диахронической фонологии английского языка. М., 1976.
Смирницкий А. И. Древнеанглийский язык. М., 1955.
Смирницкий А. И. История английского языка (средний и новый период). Курс лекций. М., 1965.
Смирницкий А. И. Хрестоматия по истории английского языка. М., 1938, 1939, 1953.
Швейцер А.Д. Литературный английский язык в США и Англии. М., 1971. Ярцева В.Н. Развитие национального литературного английского языка. М.,
Barber Ch. Linguistic Change in Present-Day English. London, 1964.
Baugh A., Cable Th. A History of the English Language. New York, 1978. Campbell A. Old English Grammar. Oxford, 1959.
Jespersen O. Growth and Structure of the English Language. Oxford, 1935. Morton A, L. A People’s History of England. New York, 1968.
Mosse F. A Handbook of Middle English. Baltimore, 1952.
Schtauch M. The English Language in Modem Times (since 1400). Warszawa, 1964.
Serjeantson M. History of Foreign Words in English. London, 1935.
Strang В. A History of English. London, 1974.
Sweet H. A New English Grammar. Logical and Historical. Oxford, 1930. Sweet H. An Anglo-Saxon Reader in Prose and Verse with Grammar, Notes, Metre and Glossary. Oxford. 1925.
Williams J. M. Origins of the English Language. A Social and tory. New York, 1975.
Wyld H.C. A History of Modern Colloquial English. Oxford, 1936.
Расторгуева Татьяна Адриановна
ИСТОРИЯ АНГЛИЙСКОГО ЯЗЫКА
(на английском языке)
Ведущий редактор Л.И. Кравцова Корректор З.Ф. Юрескул Технический редактор Т.П. Тимошина
 Old English (OE) is the name given to the English language between c. 450 and 1100 A.D
 The sign > means 'became, developed into'.
 Both names correspond to R ‘германцы’, ‘древние германцы’ (to be distinguished from Germans 'немцы').
 The Celts of Modern France and Spain had been subjected to strong Roman influence — "Romanised", they spoke local varieties of Latin which gave rise to modem Romance languages.
 As shown in § 54 IE [a:] became [o:]; the new [a:] developed from short [a] before nasals and also from the open [e:] in West and North Cermanic.
 It is assumed that PIE contained sets of aspirated plosives opposed to pure non-aspirated plosives: [bh, dh, gh] vs [b, d, g] as well as [ph, th, kh] vs [p, t, k]. The voiceless [ph, th, kh] are not included in the shift, since they behaved like the corresponding pure plosives [p, t, k]and probably were not distinguished in West IE.
 Consonant interchanges were also possible but rare. They appeared in PG due to voicing of fricatives under Verner's Law but were soon levelled out (see § 58).
 The dialect of OE poetry is uncertain. Most of the poems are Anglian by origin (Northumbrian or Mercian) but were preserved in 10th c. West Saxon copies.
 The symbol ' means 'soft, palatal'.
 A front labialised vowel like the vowel in Fr plume or G Bücher.
 The vowel in Gt is [i:], though the spelling resembles the PG [ei].
 In OE the diphthongs [eo:] and [io:] occur as dialectal variants.
 Perhaps in the prewritten period the noun had five cases, since cases of adjectives depend on the cases of nouns; this supposition is confirmed by several instances of specific Instrumental noun-endings in the earliest texts.
 Vocalic stems are also called the "strong" declension; one of the consonantal stems — the n-stems — are termed the "weak" declension.
 The tables contain the main noun paradigms in OE. For fuller lists see B. Ilyish. HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE, L. 1973 or J, Wright. AN ELEMENTARY OLD ENGLISH GRAMMAR, Oxford, 1935.
 Long-stemmed Masc, i-stems decline like ja-stems.
 Blind is a long-stemmed adjective; short-stemmed adjectives had the same forms except Nom. sg Fem., which took -u or -o, e. g. blacu, ʒladu.
 Some verbs had a narrowed vowel in the 2nd and 3rd p. sg Pres. Tense Ind. Mood due to PG mutations (see § 55).
 The 2nd stem is called "Past sg" though it is the form of the 1st and 3rd p. Ind. only; "Past pl" is the stem used to build the 2nd p. sg Ind., the pl forms of the Ind. and all the forms of the Subj.
 Participle II is often marked by the prefix -ʒe, e. g. ʒe-writen, ʒe-coren.
 The appearance of vowels before sonorants in the zero-grade (stems III and IV) is explained by the need to form syllable when the sonorants had lost their syllabic nature.
 Part. II of weak verbs, like that of strong verbs, was often marked by the prefix ʒe-. In the table the farms of Part. II are given without the prefix.
 These verbs had no Participle 1; some preterite-presents built Participle I from the Present Tense stem, e. g. OE maʒan, mæʒ, Participle I — maʒende (NE may).
 It means 'Comubian Welsh'; the name Wealhas (Wales, Welsh) was a common noun, meaning 'strangers'; it was given by the newcomers to the unfamiliar Celtic tribes.
 At the pre-written stage both words — the noun and the verb —had stem-suffixes: talu was an ō-stem, mōt- an a-stem, etc.
 Some philologists believe that -ere in OE is a borrowed suffix, which was adopted in Latin loan-words.
 See Ярцева В.Н.Развитие национальноголитературного английского языка. M., 1969., p. 48 ff.
 The "national" language embraces all the varieties of the language used by the nation including dialects; the "national literary language" applies only to recognized standard forms of the language, both written and spoken; for earlier periods of history the term "literary language" may indicate the language of writing in a wider sense, including chronicles, legal documents, religious texts, etc. A mature national literary language is characterised by codified norms or rules of usage and functional stylistic differentiation.
 Thomas More wrote in the early 16th c. in his famous UTOPIA that sheep had "become so great devourers and so wilde that they eat up, and swallow downs the very men themselves".
 Lenin V.I. The Right of Nations to Self-determination. — In: Lenin V.I. Collected works. M., 1977. vol. 20, p. 396.
 An impersonal construction (lit. 'as me seems'), which was later replaced by personal, e.g. as I suppose (here as men supposed).
 For a detailed description of stylistic differentiation of English see Galperin I.R. STYLISTICS, M., 1977.
 In the sixties of the 20th c. the number of people speaking Irish in Ireland was about 750,000 (the total population of Eire and Northern Ireland reaching 6 million). Celtic languages are also spoken in Wales, Scotland and the Isle of Manx (over 1,200,000 people).
 Cf. Modern Fr poule or NE soup, group where ou stands for [u:].
 For the development of ME long vowels in NE see the Great Vowel Shift (§ 383 ff.).
 The infinitives of these verbs retained a long vowel in the root since it was followed by a single consonant: OE mētan, fēdan, ME meten, feden [e:].
 For the change of OE long and short [y] see § 375.
 This and the following maps showing ME dialectal variation are reproduced from F. Mosse. A Handbook of Middle English, Baltimore, 1952.
 For the change of [i:] to [ai] in NE see the Great Vowel Shift (§ 383 ff.).
 The short [a] in this word was lengthened in Late OE before the consonant group ld. OE ald is an Anglian (not a Wessex) form, as the latter would contain a diphthong due to Early OE breaking: eald.
 ME also made a distinction between a close and open [e:], [ɛ:], going back respectively to OE [e:] and [æ:]. It is believed that OE [æ:] had grown somewhat narrower in ME (e.g. OE stræt > ME street [ɛ:]) (NE street). ME spelling for [ɛ:] were e, ee, later ea; the close long [e:] was spelt as e, ee, ie.
 It is probable that OE [o] in ME became [ɔ] in line with the tendency of short vowels to greater openness. Even in OE it was often spelt o.
 The development of OE [æ] to ME [a] is viewed with suspicion by some scholars, because the history of this sound includes several reversals, which is hardly probable: PG [a] > OE [æ] > ME [a] > NE [æ]. Perhaps, it was a graphic replacement and the ME letter a stood for two allophones, [æ] and [a].
 OE diphthongs are placed close to monophthongs so as to show their further development. The columns of ME and NE vowels do not contain complete lists; they include only those vowels which took part in the qualitative changes in the intervening period.
 See V.A. Vassityeo, ENGLISH PHONETICS, L., 1962, p. 98.
 The phonetic conditions of the Early NE voicing of fricatives and sibilants resemble those of Verner's Law in PG; that is why O. Jespersen called this voicing "Verner's Law in Early New English" (see § 57 for Verner's Law).
 Cf. the adverb off with [f], which is normally stressed.
 Cf. anxious and luxury with [kʃ] which have a different distribution of stresses.
 The interchange of voiced and voiceless fricatives [s ~ z, f ~ v] and [θ ~ ð] arose as allophonic variation in Early OE, but later became phonemic and was preserved in some Mod F words (see § 139).
 A voiced fricative or sibilant in the pl sometimes corresponded to a voiceless consonant in the sg, e. g. ME wyf, NE wife — wives (see Note to the Table in § 429, for the voicing of final -s see § 406).
 ME personal pronouns displayed considerable dialectal diversity. The table includes the main variants of the forms in ME and Early NE.
 Fluctuation of who and whom continued in the period of "normalisation" and is quite common in English today.
 In the lists of variants the London form comes first.
 By the end of the 15th c. the two stems of the Past tense of strong verbs fell together: fand and founde(n) was replaced by found, see strong verbs, §478.
 The changes in the meaning and use of tenses and moods are described below, in the paragraphs dealing with the development of analytical forms.
 By that time the weak verbs had lost all distinctions between the forms of the Past tense and Participle II — small as these distinctions were. The model of the weak verbs, with two basic forms, may have influenced the strong verbs.
 Shall and should were often used with a weakened lexical meaning in verb phrases indicating future and problematic actions; for their development into auxiliaries of the Future tense and Subj. mood see § 497-507.
 Traces of the old use of must as a Past tense form can be found in reported speech where must occurs with the Past tense of the verb-predicate in the main clause: He said that he must go
 In many modern grammars the former Pres. and Past Tense of the Subj. Mood are treated as two distinct oblique moods (A. I. Smirnitsky, L. S. Barchudarov). The analytical forms are also divided into two moods — with an interchange of should/would as a formal marker of one mood (often called "Conditional") and with should as the sole auxiliary ("Suppositional" or "Analytical Conjunctive"). The latter distinction cannot be applied to Early NE as there was no regular interchange of should and would In the Subj. Mood.
 Traces of Mediopassive in this verb are found even in Late ME:
This mayden, which that Mayus highte. (Chaucer)
(‘This maid who was called Mayus.’)
 The modem phrase to be gone goes back to the perfect forms with be; the modern predicative construction with have descends from the prototype of perfect forms and retains the old word order, e. g. He hod his watch repaired.
 Most modern grammars distinguish several oblique moods; therefore the number of moods in the category of Mood ranges from 3 to 6.
 The distinction between who and which recommended by 18th c. grammarians has been established as a standard of “good”, educated English; the recommendations concerning whose and whom have not been fully observed: whose is still used instead of of which and who interchanges with whom when used as an object.
 A modern interpretation of these ideas in the light of the information theory can be found in the article by Л. C. Бархударов. К проблеме развития аналитического строя в английском языке in Иностранные языки в высшей школе, M., 1962. вып. I, c. 47.
 The exponents of this theory are H. Bradley, S. Robinson and others. For a critical review of the theory of mixture of languages see the article by B. M. Жирмунский in Ученые записки ЛГУ, серия филологических наук, 1947, № 5.
 O. Jespersen. Progress in Language with Special Reference to English. London, New York, 1894.
 See R. S. Ginzburg, S. S. Khidekei, G. Y. Knyazeva, A. A Sankin. A Course in Modern English Lexicology, M., 1966, pp. 213, 215 and others.
 Some words with [sk] come from other foreign languages: Latin and Greek school, scheme; sketch comes from Netherlandish.
 Taken together French and Latin borrowings are often defined as the “Romance element” in the English vocabulary, while Latin and Greek borrowings constitute its “classical element”.
 Jespersen O. Growth and structure of the English Language, Oxford, 1927. p. 105-106.
 None of these criteria can prove that the loan-word came directly from Latin; the word could have come from French, being a Latin loan-word in the French language, see § 576 above.
 The adjective suffix -ly is a homonym of -ly, the suffix of adverbs (for its origin from OE -lice see § 267); as an adverb suffix -ly became far more productive than as an adjective suffix (NE nominallyr shortly, surprisingly, etc.).
 The figures are reproduced from I. M. Williams ORIGINS OF THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE, Ln. 1975, p. 67. The following six thousands show a slight but steady decrease of native words, an increase of Latin loan-words and fluctuations in the other columns.
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