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Now read the review of the book Linda has written and do the tasks that follow before discussing it with your group.
Britons became a world-wide best-seller and Linda Colley's ideas have fascinated politicians, journalists and ordinary people alike. In Britons she talks about the triumph of a pre-democratic, pre-industrial and pre-imperial Britain. Britain forged the greatest empire the world had ever seen, became a great trading and manufacturing nation. It created or invented the symbols, by which it could live and thrive and draw the allegiance of its citizens: the National Anthem, the Union Jack, and love and respect for the monarch. In Britons she points out that one important part of that invention began in 1809 when a Shropshire housewife, a Mrs. Biggs, wrote to the Lord Chamberlain suggesting a jubilee or celebration of the King's 50th birthday. It had been a bad year for the Royals. In 1809 the Prince and Princess of Wales were living apart, the Duke of York was caught up in a sex scandal, and there was alleged corruption in the sale of honours. The press were having a field day when Mrs. Biggs made her suggestion. The jubilee, the first of its kind, was a great success. Like so much of "Britishness" it was not the production of a political elite. It was "a people's jubilee", a symbol that this was indeed a united kingdom. Linda Colley was among the first to recognize the importance of such events. Nations, she says, need a kind of spinal narrative; a story, which gives them a structure shaped by history and geography. "The USA is far too big geographically. It has massive economic inequalities within it. Yet its citizens can see it as a "top nation", because it has an effective story. They can believe in the "melting pot", in the "land of opportunity' and in the "American Dream". The dream works because the reality is successful". According to Colley, it is when nations do not succeed that they begin to question their identity. Many Britons in the 18th century saw themselves as free men and their prosperous land as an island of liberty. They were not, as they believed the French were, priest-ridden and the prey of tyrants. The point was not that these notions were true. For the most part they were simply widely-held prejudices. What was important was that they were vital parts of the story by which Britons lived and for which they died. Linda Colley says, "Britain has lost its story-line. It can no longer think of itself as the unique land of liberty, a second Israel, a chosen people. The challenge for Mr. Blair is to find a new story. We have seen the fading away of old beliefs, and the role of global powers, not just the European Union or other large confederations but the rise of global business with companies like Microsoft". Linda Colley thinks that, despite steps taken to devolution and smaller-scale assemblies, the Government will necessarily have to be unionist, that is "British", to keep the United Kingdom together. It will have to be informed by historians about the other constitutional changes. Historians can't tell ministers in detail what to do about, say, the reform of the House of Lords. She says, "We can tell them why such reforms have failed in the past. History can illuminate; it cannot prophesy. History and politics are about ordinary people getting on with their ordinary lives". Britons shows that it was what ordinary people thought and did that ultimately became the nation's history in the 18th century. They muddled through to a concept called "Britishness" which proved to be resilient and effective. What comes next? Linda Colley says she does not know. But maybe that's some reason why she is currently fascinated by how ordinary people in the past coped with being captives, how they adapted to the new cultures forced upon them and yet retained what was essential in their own. The future may be about how we cope with being an outsider, a stranger, the other in a new world. And we may need this fascinating outsider to guide our understanding with the lessons of history. The University of Bristol Magazine Notes:
Explain the following:
2. Who can be considered an "establishment figure"? Does Linda Colley belong to the Establishment? Why? / Why not?
4. What kind of message does the author try to convey by making a reference to "a second Israel, a chosen people"?
General comprehension and discussion questions:
2. Do you agree with the author that "nations need a story which gives them a structure shaped by history and geography"? How do political elites contribute to national mythology?
4. What threatens the old mythology in GB?
6. Can anyone predict the future for GB? Is the author optimistic or pessimistic about the future of GB? 7. Does the author's attitude have anything to do with the fact that her book has become a best-seller? Exercise 10 Translate the following words and add more to every line to complete the collocations:
to forge a nation/an alliance...
to pledge/renounce... allegiance unflinching/enthusiastic... allegiance
to question a decision/the truth...
resilient rubber/person Exercise 11 Find in the text the English equivalents for the Russian phrases below. Use them in sentences of your own . 1) прочитать лекцию; 2) в меньшей степени; 3) создавать империю; 4) добиваться поддержки со стороны граждан; 5) якобы существующая коррупция; 6) ставить под сомнение что-либо; 7) глобальные силы; 8) устойчивое понятие Exercise 12 Fill in the gaps with the appropriate word.
Exercise 13 Translate into English using the word combinations you have learnt. 1. Государственных служащих часто обвиняют в якобы существующей коррупции в их рядах. Их честность ставится под сомнение, и, несмотря на отсутствие доказательств этих обвинений, образ чиновника-взяточника устойчиво сохраняется. 2. Не сумев заручиться поддержкой влиятельных профсоюзных лидеров, партия проиграла выборы. 3. Великобритания не раз заявляла о своей верности принципам Североатлантического альянса, однако в отличие от Германии официальный Лондон явно в меньшей степени обращает внимание на вопросы лидерства в НАТО. 4. Несмотря на закрытие ряда независимых газет, журналистское стремление вести расследование случаев коррупции остается неизменным. 5. В краткие сроки США создали коалицию стран, готовых бороться с терроризмом. Exercise 14 In writing support or refute Linda s thesis: "It is when nations do not succeed that they question their identity ". Exercise 15 Render the text below into the English language using the prompts in brackets: to acknowledge socio-ethnic level of consciousness spiritual the way people conceive resiliency community values entity to adjust to enhance alienation oversensitive reaction to give rise to political turmoil unique character means of defence
НАЦИОНАЛЬНОЕ САМОСОЗНАНИЕ — уровень представлений, характеризующий освоение людьми, принадлежащими к той или иной национальной общности, ее идеалов, культурных норм, традиций, бытовых стереотипов, а также понимание ими интересов и положения данной социально-этнической группы в обществе в целом. Национальное самосознание формируется у отдельных людей по мере признания ими уникальности и устойчивости национальных ценностей в целях идентификации, социализации и адаптации к общественным условиям. Одновременно национальное самосознание может увеличивать отчужденность людей от окружающей политической среды. Например, чувство национальной гордости может спровоцировать обостренное отношение к положению своей этнической группы в многонациональных государствах, инициировать политические беспорядки против режима, порождать сепаратистские движения. На уровне нации национальное самосознание формируется на той стадии эволюции ее духовной жизни, когда она складывается как общность, обладающая статусом и средствами его социальной защиты. Here is yet another point of view of a former British citizen, who immigrated to the USA, but still takes interest in his mother country. Read the article and compare the author's attitude to Britain and being British with that of the British woman who married a German person and now lives in Germany. GOODBYE TO ALL THAT (by Andrew Sullivan) My home town was a kind of ground zero for Englishness. Almost a national synonym for middle-class ennui, East Grinsted was the last stop on a railway line south of London, the first place outside the metropolis that wasn't actually metropolitan, a welter of disappointment and understatement and yet also of a kind of pride. When I grew up it was a commuter-belt development of 20,000 but also a place of its own. Its Victorian railway station and Elizabethan main street, its unique mix of local butchers, bakers, hardware stores and bookshops, vegetable allotments and rugby pitches, — they made it a place in itself, a place to stay and grow up in, a place that knew itself and knew where it stood. But 15 years later, it is a place I almost fail to recognize. The old railway station has been replaced by a concrete terminus. The new de facto town center, a cavernous aircraft hangar of a supermarket, has displaced almost every local shop in the town. The main street is now a ghostly assortment of real estate offices and charity shops, banks and mortgage companies. The main road now leads swiftly on to the new M25 that circles London. Trucks with Belgian and Italian licence plates clog the artery, on their way to the Channel Tunnel, And I click past dozens of German channels to watch Larry King. This wasn't quite the script I had imagined when I left in 1984. Every emigrant to America likes to think of his home country as a repository, of the old and the quaint, of unchanging stability and backward thinking. So it is an adjustment to find the suburban England I had once seen as an edifice of nostalgia, class and passivity, become the kind of anonymous exurb I once associated with America, and to feel what such a transformation has clearly brought about. By transformation, I mean the loss of national identity itself. For in a way perhaps invisible to outsiders and too gradual for insiders to fully acknowledge, the combined forces of globalization, political reform and the end of the cold war have swept through Britain in the past two decades with a force unequalled in any other country in the western world. As the century ends, it is possible to talk about the abolition of Britain without the risk of hyperbole. The UK's cultural and social identity has been altered beyond any recent prediction. Its very geographical boundaries are being redrawn. Its basic constitution is being guttered and reconceived. Its monarchy has been reinvented. Half its parliament is under the ax. Its voting system is about to be altered. Its currency may well soon be abandoned. And its role in the world at large is in radical flux. Some of this change was organic and inevitable. But much of it is also the legacy of three remarkable prime ministers, who have successfully managed in very different ways to revolutionize Britain's economy, society and constitution in a way that promises to free the people of the island from the past that long threatened to strangle them. It is part of the genius of Britain's undemocratic democracy that this transformation has taken place with such speed and thoroughness. A British Prime Minister commands a largely unitary state with almost unchecked power for the indefinite tenure. With a solid majority in Parliament, he or she can do almost anything, and come from almost anywhere. Walk through central London today and within a few blocks, you hear Arabic and Italian, Urdu and German. Australian ac: cents are almost as common as American ones. The distinct class dialects I remember from my youth — the high vowels of aristocracy, the rough, broad edges of Cockney, the awkward flatness of mid-England — are far less distinct. Even the BBC is a cacophony of regional accents, with Scottish brogue and Welsh lilt more common than the Queen's English of my teens. Elsewhere, there is a kind of sonorous merging, the rise of a new accent that seems to have absorbed East End vowels with a southern English blandness. It is classless but at the same time fashionably downmarket. Tony Blair's voice captures it: he swings in one sentence from solid English propriety to sudden proletarian slang. Think of what Britain once meant and a handful of cliches come to mind. Bad food. Crooked teeth. Good manners. Pragmatism. Free speech. Theatre. Class. Monarchy. Poor heating. Sexual awkwardness. Sentimentality to animals. Looking at this list today, only a handful survive: theatre, free speech and the pet fixation. A modern list of "Britishness" would look altogether different. Designer furniture. Public relations. Sarcasm. Excessive drinking. Fast driving. Mobile phones. Tabloids. Sexual ease. Tony Blair's real radicalism has turned out to be constitutional rather than economic or social. He embarked on perhaps the most far-reaching series of reforms ever tried by a modern British government. Of the dozens of conversations I had in London about the future of the UK, no one I spoke to believed Scotland would be a part of Britain in 10 years' time. The Welsh, too, voted in favour of their own assembly. When I left for America, the clear simple symbol of England was the Union Jack. It is now increasingly the bare emblem of St George, a red cross on a white background. You see it in soccer stadiums and emblazoned into the skulls of East End skinheads. The repercussions of this are a little hard to envisage. They extend from the possibility of a bitter if peaceful split-up — a kind of Yugoslavia with cups of tea — to more far-reaching questions such as Britain's place in the UN Security Council. Will England deserve a seat — with a population of merely 49 million, on barely two-thirds of a small island? No one seems to know. It has become a rallying cry for all those suddenly fearful of the symbolic end of a nation that has, in truth, already ended. It is a symbol of a reality the English have accepted but not yet acknowledged. Loss is the central theme of modern Britain: loss of empire, loss of power, loss of grandeur, loss of the comfort of the past. When Churchill called his countrymen to the immense task of 1940 by calling the Battle of Britain his nation's "finest hour", he was perhaps unaware of the burden that phrase would impose on future generations. How do you envisage a future in a country whose greatest moment has been indisputably centred in the past? The British have finally stopped seeking a role and started getting a life. It is a typically pragmatic improvisation. By quietly abolishing Britain, the islanders abolish the problem of Britain. For, there is no "Great" hovering in front of Scotland, England or Wales. These older deeper entities come from a time before the loss of empire, before even the idea of empire. Britain is a relatively recent construct, cobbled together in the 17th century in the Act of Union with Scotland, over-reaching in Ireland and America in the 18th and finally spreading as an organizing colonial force across the globe in the 19th. Like the Soviet empire before it, although in an incomparably more benign way, this contrived nation experienced a cathartic defeat-in-victory in the Second World War, and after a desperate, painful attempt to reassert itself, has finally given up. Before very long, the words "United Kingdom" may seem as anachronistic as "Soviet Union", although they will surely be remembered more fondly. But unlike Russia's future, Britain's is far from black. London is Europe's cultural and financial capital. The ruddy faces and warm beer may be receding, but the rowdy cosmopolitanism that was once typical of the islanders under the last Queen Elizabeth seems clearly on the rebound. Perhaps England's future, then, will be as a Canada to the EU's United States, with Scotland playing the role of Quebec. Notes: 1) Victorian — used to describe the style of buildings and furniture, and the way that houses were decorated, during the Victorian period (1837-1901). Victorian buildings are typically made of red brick and often decorated on the outside; 2) Elizabethan — from or typical of the period when Elizabeth I was queen of England (1558-1603); 3) Cockney — the way of speaking English that is typical of Cockneys, people who come from the East End of London, especially someone who is working class and who has an accent which is typical of this area. Only someone "born within the sound of bow bells," the bells of a church in the city of London, is considered to be a real Cockney; 4) the Queen's English — a name sometimes used for good correct English, as written and spoken in the UK, when a king is ruling instead of a queen, it is called the "King's English"; 5) Sir Winston Churchill (1874-1965)— a British politician in the Conservative party who was Prime Minister during most of World War II and again from 1951 to 1955. He is famous for the many speeches he made during the war. He is also known for making the V sign to show his belief in a British victory in the war; 6) the Battle of Britain — the name used for the fights between German and British aircraft during the summer and autumn of 1940. The bombing was stopped at the end of 1940, and British people considered this to be a great victory; 7) the Act of Union — the agreement that joined the parliaments of England and Scotland in 1707 as well as the agreement that ended the Irish parliament in 1800 and made Ireland part of the United Kingdom in 1801; 8) ennui — tiredness and dissatisfaction caused by lack of interest (скука, томление, тоска); 9) exurb — (short for exurbia) settlements not far from cities (поселки, где живут работающие в больших городах); 10) a cathartic defeat-in- victory — a serious unexpected defeat (поражение, в том, что казалось победой) General comprehension questions: 1. Which features of his native town did the author use to associate with "Englishness"? 2. How does the author describe the typical attitude of emigrants to their native country? Why do most of them not want their native country to change? 3. What factors according to the author served to transform the UK beyond recognition? 4. How has the structure of the state changed? 5. What is happening to the state symbols? 6. What consequences can the current reforms lead to in the future according to the author? What do you think? 7. How do different groups of people react to the changes? Why do most people show little concern? 8. What advantages can be gained by England if Britain is abolished from the point of view of the author? Do you agree? 9. Why does the author feel very pessimistic about the future of Russia? Are his apprehensions justified? 10. Do you think our country also faces a national identity crisis? How does it manifest itself? How long do you think it will take the Russian people to overcome it? Exercise 16 Translate the following sentences from the text into Russian. 1. Almost a national synonym for middle-class ennui, East Grinsted was the last stop on a railway line south of London, the first place outside the metropolis that wasn't actually metropolitan, a welter of disappointment and understatement and yet also of a kind of pride. 2. Tony Blair's real radicalism has turned out to be constitutional rather than economic or social. 3. They extend from the possibility of a bitter if peaceful split- up — a kind of Yugoslavia with cups of tea — to more far-reaching questions such as Britain's place in the UN Security Council. 4. Before very long, the words "United Kingdom" may seem as anachronistic as "Soviet Union". Exercise 17 What do those sell? butchers, bakers, hardware stores, supermarkets, bookshops, charity shops, green-grocers Exercise 18 In pairs, sort out those words into concept groups. Explain your reason for grouping the words in a particular way to your partner: metropolis, cosmopolitanism, terminus, clich, tenure, commuter-belt development, grandeur, sarcasm, globalization, exurbia, nostalgia, hyperbole, radicalism, edifice, unitary state, emigrant, repository, legacy, mortgage companies, pragmatism, entity, real estate offices, pragmatism, rugby pitches, vegetable allotments Exercise 19 In the text of the article find the opposites for the following words: 1) de juro 2) overstatement 3) immigrant 4) upmarket 5) jingoism 6) conformism 7) idealism 8) harmony (in music) Exercise 20 Explain the difference between the following words. ACCEPT — ACKNOWLEDGE ALTER — TRANSFORM DISPLACE — REPLACE ABANDON — GIVE UP Exercise 21 Choose the right word. 1. He displaced/replaced a bone in his knee while playing sports. 2. Reputable scholars have abandoned/given up the notion. 3. They have altered/transformed themselves into permanent city-dwellers. 4. The former President of the Philippines refused to accept/acknowledge the authority of the court. 5. Thousands of people in the region have been forced to abandon/give up their homes to enemy troops. 6. The astronaut accepts/acknowledges danger as being part of the job. 7. We've displaced/replaced the adding machine with a computer. 8. At a certain stage of its development Britain abandoned/gave up such foundations, merging its future irrevocably with the wider world economy. 9. Britain since the war has been altered/transformed from a society of hierarchy to a multi-layered, multi-dimensional society. 10. It is also legitimate to consider whether the old Establishment has indeed been displaced/replaced by new power- centers. 11. In housing, tower blocks (high-rise blocks of flats) are universally accepted/acknowledged as a human disaster. 12. Tensions do not alter/transform the fact that there is still a political union called the United Kingdom. Exercise 22 Fill in the gaps with the right word. 1. The terrorists refused to___________ the court. 2. America must radically___________ its traditional economic policy. 3. After five unsuccessful attempts, the mountaineers have __________ their bid to climb Everest. 4. The indigenous population was soon__________ by the settlers. 5. An area of sandy pastures can be_________ into a barren landscape in two or three years. 6. She is____________ as an expert on the subject of politics. 7. Arabic script was___________ with the Roman alphabet in official documents. 8. The company decided to__________ the project in view of the ever rising cost. 9. He grudgingly___________ having made a mistake. 10. In only 20 years the country has been___________ into an advanced industrial power. 11. He was registered as a___________ person. 12. Getting that new job has completely__________ her. 13. These resources can easily___________ nuclear power. 14. The immigrants showed an increasing unwillingness to __________ bad working conditions. 15. We shall never____________ the freedom that we have won. 16. In fact, most women have___________ their role in the family and in society. Exercise 23 Translate the following sentences into English. 1. Несмотря на появление тревожных симптомов в экономике страны, в том числе заметное падение произ-водства и рост безработицы, большинство экономистов отказываются признавать наличие кризиса. 2. Незадолго до проведения всеобщих выборов партия заявила о своих претензиях на завоевание большинства в парламенте, а ее лидеры обещали, что, в случае прихода к власти, будут стремиться к радикальному улучшению (радикальному изменению к лучшему) жизни простых людей. 3. По утверждению профсоюзных активистов, после того, как требования трудящихся будут признаны работодателями в качестве основы для нового коллективного договора, угроза бессрочной забастовки практически будет сведена к минимуму. 4. Появившиеся сообщения о подавлении вооруженного мятежа резко изменили обстановку в парламенте — паника и растерянность, еще совсем недавно охватившие депутатов, сменились на настроения эйфории и воодушевления. 5. Принято считать, что овладение в совершенстве любым иностранным языком невозможно без понимания особенностей психологии людей, являющихся его носителями. 6. По оценке политологов, правительство неоконсерваторов уже в ближайшее время будет смещено, так как откровенный популизм и отсутствие реальной программы действий самым пагубным образом сказываются на его популярности. 7. По причине резкого ухудшения погодных условий группа спасателей была вынуждена временно отказаться от поиска пропавших альпинистов. 8. Российский руководитель распорядился изменить программу своей поездки с тем, чтобы иметь возможность встретиться с известным писателем. 9. Сенатор признал, что уровень безработицы неуклонно растет, и у правительства нет ясной программы по повышению занятости трудового населения страны. 10. Город нисколько не изменился с тех пор, как я побывал тут в последний раз, хотя прошло почти четверть века. 11. Нельзя исключать, что пострадавший обратится с соответствующим иском в суд, однако крайне сомнительно, что понесенные им в результате пожара убытки будут возмещены страховыми кампаниями. Exercise 24 Match the following adjectives and nouns to form word combinations as they appear in the text. Suggest the Russian translation for the resulting phrases: backward change contrived cry cultural and social drinking excessive identity indefinite majority organic and inevitable nation proletarian power rallying slang solid stability unchanging state unchecked system unitary tenure voting thinking Exercise 25 Complete the sentences below using the appropriate word combinations from the exercise above. 1. The reason for sacking most of the workers by the new management lay in the workers' _____. 2. The success of the bank is due to the _________ of its performance in the most critical periods of the nation's history. 3. The opposition strongly objects to what it sees as _____ of Prime Minister. 4. The first disputes about the state language in multinational states gave rise to concerns about _____. 5. The traditional conservatism of Civil Service stems from bureaucrats' political caution rather than _____. 6. As usual on the eve of the election party leaders addressed the rank and file with _____. 7. The question of reforming the British _____ has been discussed by both Houses of Parliament. 8. Most of the former Soviet republics embraced changes as _____. 9. The public opinion is strongly against the _____ of the regional leaders. 10. Czechoslovakia has often been regarded as a _____ because Czechs and Slovacs have never properly mixed into one nation. 11. The pro-President parliamentary groups have a _____ in the State Duma. 12. The Russian language of the 1930s abounded in _____ and other forms of informal language. 13. Like Britain, Sweden and Denmark are also _____, which have a single constitution for the whole country. Exercise 26 Learn the following verbs: 1) to revolutionize 2) to command 3) to embark on 4) to extend 5) to impose on 6) to abolish 7) to spread 8) to recede 9) to envisage Complete the sentences below using the verbs above. 1. Once the Royal Navy _____ the seas. 2. The railways are about to _____ on a major programme of modernization. 3. The important discovery has _____ our understanding of the Universe. 4. Most of those who voted for independence did not _____ war as the eventual outcome. 5. There have been calls for the monarchy to be _____. 6. The more society _____ conformity on its members the more people want to rebel. 7. Who has been _____ malicious rumours about me? 8. As the fear of famine _____, other things began to worry us. 9. His radicalism did not _____ to the sphere of economics.
Exercise 27 Translate the sentences using the verbs above. 1. Составители закона не смогли предусмотреть всех возможных негативных последствий его применения и признали, что он потребует серьезных изменений и дополнений. 2. Открытие нового лекарства коренным образом изменило методы лечения многих болезней. 3. Как в России крепостное право, так и в США рабство было отменено в 19 веке. 4. Надежда на быстрое спасение постепенно убывала. 5. Несмотря на предостережения коллег и собственные сомнения, он решил взяться за лечение больного, чье психическое состояние внушало явные опасения. 6. Против Ирака были введены экономические санкции. 7. Никто не мог предвидеть такого мощного извержения вулкана. 8. Опасность заразных болезней состоит в том, что они быстро распространяются и тяжело переносятся людьми с ослабленным здоровьем. 9. Власть накладывает чувство ответственности на тех, кто избран представлять интересы народа.
Exercise 28 Render the following passage into the English language: entity ethnic strife cease to be confusion to rock the boat to interpret as misconception a multitude of minor sovereigns to speculate about national sovereignty
1991 год, год распада СССР, повлек за собой не только чудовищные межэтнические распри, но и чудовищную мировоззренческую дезориентацию. Одним хотелось бы преобразовать это государство в русское. Другие, наоборот, раскачивают и без того не слишком устойчивую федерацию, используя девиз о предоставлении самостоятельности. Разрешимо ли это противоречие? Думается, что разрешимо. Отсутствие демократической традиции имело своим печальным результатом смещение в значении понятий: нацию у нас привыкли понимать не как сообщество граждан, а как некую культурную (или, того хуже — этническую) целостность. Вместо того, чтобы вести речь о единой нации россиян, объединенных одним общим и прошлым и будущим, мы говорим о существовании под крышей одного государства различных наций. Российское государство из единственного носителя суверенитета превращается во вместилище множества суверенов. Проблема культурного самоопределения подменяется проблемой этнического самоопределения. Между тем в большинстве демократических стран эти вещи строго разведены. Так, в бывшей Австрийской империи, забота словенцев о сохранении своей этнокультурной самобытности, отнюдь не означает, что они перестают быть австрийцами. Принадлежность особому этническому сообществу не мешает им принадлежать к общей для них с чехами, хорватами, словаками, евреями австрийской нации. Вера в то, что государственно-политическая общность прочна лишь тогда, когда опирается на этнокультурную однородность — один из самых вредных предрассудков XX века. |
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