As a weapon of the West against Russia

Ukrainian Nazism is a phenomenon completely alien to the Russian World, parts of which have always been Malorossiya, Carpatho-Russia and Novorossiya, which form the main portion of present-day Ukraine. This is vividly and accurately reflected in words of Kherson hieromartyr Archpriest John at questioning in the NKVD: " I regard the split-up of Russia that took place after the revolution and, in particular, the separation of Ukraine, Belarus, etc. as a phenomenon of political decline, all the more sad that there is no basis for this fragmentation. Ukrainians and Russians always formed a single whole. Ukrainians and Russians are one people, one nation, and there are no grounds to single out Ukraine from the general whole in any form." [74]

Not only from the religious and historical, but also from the scientific point of view, Ukraine pertains to the Eastern Slavic civilization integrated with Russia and united by a common culture and a system of spiritual values based on Orthodoxy. Formed in the era of Ancient Rus, the Russian people was divided for a long time due to the Tatar-Mongol invasion. But despite being subjects of different states, Russian people retained their identity. Even oppressed by Catholic Poland and Austria-Hungary, the Little Russians and Carpatho-Russians mostly continued to profess the Orthodox faith and speak Russian. Therefore, the reunification of Russian lands under the scepter of the Moscow Tsar was perceived by the Russian people as a natural process of restoring its integrity. In the same natural way that the Russian state expanded its domain to the Wild Fields, as the territory of the Black Sea and Azov steppes was called in Russia since ancient times. As P. Skorobogaty rightly writes, it was an impossible task for individual tribes to take root in the steppe. Settled way of life could be established only under auspices of a strong civilization, which eventually happened as a result of Russian expansion to the south.

Here are some fragments of his brilliant essay.

" After termination of the Time of Troubles in 1613, the Russian Tsardom faced a number of urgent geopolitical tasks. It was necessary to urgently reinforce the southern borders against raids of Crimean Tatars who regularly ravaged the land up to Moscow, taking Russian peasants captive in tens of thousands. First of all, Streltsy regiments with their families opened up Slobozhanshchina. Today it is the territory of Kharkov, Sumy, Belgorod regions, as well as some districts of Poltava, Lugansk, Donetsk, Kursk and Voronezh regions[75]. Zaporozhian Cossacks, who built a fort on the island of Khortytsa behind the Dnieper rapids as far back as at the end of the 16^th century, obtained new lands for their settlements owing to the Russian bayonets, and side by side with Russian troops repelled swift raids of the Tatar cavalry."

" Year upon year, Moscow state was consistently constructing towards the south a number of so-called zasechnye cherty, abatis-type lines of defensive fortifications. In the beginning of the 16^th century, the Belgorod line appears, in the 1680s, the Izyum line, after the Azov campaigns of Peter the Great in the late 1690s and early 1700s, the Troitsk line was laid from Azov and Taganrog to the estuary of Orel river. Next followed the Tsaritsin line, in 1739 – the Ukrainian and the Don lines. And so on, until in 1783 Russia finally appended the Crimea."

" Towards the Black Sea coast, the fortresses and cities of Kherson, Ekaterinoslav (present-day Dnepropetrovsk), Nikolaev, Odessa, Rostov, Taganrog, Dubossary, Mariupol and many others are rapidly being built in the steppe. Until the middle of the 18^th century, the lands of Slobozhanshchina and the north of Novorossiya were inhabited mostly by Russians and Little Russians, without experiencing any interethnic contradictions. Either perceived themselves and each other as part of a single Russian nation. This involved, among other things, Zaporozhian Cossacks who, according to Dmitry Yavornitsky, a prominent Ukrainian historian, author of the three-volume History of Zaporozhian Cossacks published in 1890, considered themselves " one people with Great Russians."

" Following the movement of the Russian troops to the south and construction of new zasechnye cherty, the Russian Empire generates a new mission, to set up economic life on the empty steppe lands in support of the soldiers guarding the Russian border. A program of large-scale colonization of Novorossiya is developed. Within its framework, the state practically sanctioned the " right of asylum, " granting freedom to the fugitive serfs. Recruiters were sent throughout the entire empire. According to historical documents, the officers who recruited 80 persons were entitled to the lieutenant rank. A Jewish recruiter was paid five rubles for a girl, since initially there was a great shortage of the softer sex in an unsafe Novorossiya. To protect a stupendous flow of settlers from Transdnieper Ukraine, which was under the rule of Poland before its partition, special fortresses were built on its borders, as Poles were catching and brutally punishing their fugitives.

Among the Great Russian settlers, the Old Believers were almost the first in number. By a special imperial manifesto they were invited from Poland and Moldavia and received serious privileges, 50 rubles per household of four people and a five-year exemption from taxes." " In her manifestos of 1762 and 1763, Catherine II calls upon foreigners " for the development of trade and crafts": " As We are sufficiently aware of the vast extent of the lands within Our Empire, We perceive, among other things, that a considerable number of regions are still uncultivated which could easily and advantageously be made available for productive use of population and settlement. Most of the lands hold hidden in their depth an inexhaustible wealth of all kinds of precious ores and metals, and because they are well provided with forests, rivers and lakes, and located close to the sea for purpose of trade, they are also most convenient for the development and growth of many kinds of manufacturing, plants, and various installations".

" The Empress promised incredible benefits to the settlers tempted by such riches, including money for travel expenses, a 30-year exemption from all taxes and duties, an interest-free loan with repayment in ten years, an own jurisdiction, duty-free import of property within 300 rubles worth, and much more. Foreign colonization had a motley ethnic pattern and different class representation. A lot of foreigners sought to settle in cities where they were mainly engaged in trade. The Greek and Armenian communities of Odessa, Kherson, Rostov go back to that period of the formation of Novorossiya. In addition to them, Bulgarians, Moldovans, Poles, Germans also flocked to these lands. Among the first to settle in this land were Serbs.

It is not easy to assess the scope of colonization, as the borders of Novorossiya were undergoing quick changes at that time. Nevertheless, historians quote the following figures: in 1768, the population of these lands numbered 100 thousand people, in 1797, 850 thousand, and in 1823, already one and a half million.

Since 1819, resettlement to Novorossiya became limited. A special permission was granted in 1823 to 169 families of Baden Germans. In the 1860s, a mass migration of Slavs from Turkey was allowed. A significant part of volunteer soldiers participating in the CrimeanWar (Serbs, Bulgarians, Montenegrins) expressed a desire to remain in Russia after its termination, and joined the colonies of their congeners in the Novorossiya region. All the diversity of nationalities and ethnic groups under the auspices of the Russian Empire was successfully melting into a single Russian community, which was considerably promoted by mixed marriages." [76]

Quite similar to the spiritual authority whose utterance was quoted above, modern scholars estimate the catastrophe in Ukraine as a " zigzag of historical progress." Ukraine has already experienced similar zigzags, temporarily falling out of the Russian World. The most known of them are the devastation of Kievan Rus by the Mongols and the ensuing long colonization of its southwest territory by the Catholic Rzeczpospolita; the Ruin period that happened during the Ukrainian Hetmanate independence already after the reunification of Ukraine and Russia, and short-term periods of German occupation during the First and the Second World War. A historian and journalist A. Sabov[77] singles out three " Ruin" periods in the history of Ukraine[78], In each of these periods, according to historians, Ukraine fell into decay, the way out of which to the path of sustainable development has always been associated with reunification with Russia as an organic part of the Russian World.

The very concept of " Ukraine" was absent in the Russian consciousness. People who inhabited the oldest part of Russia were called Little Russians, which corresponds to the notion of a small motherland, Little Russia or the former Kievan Rus, which laid the foundation of the Russian civilization. After invasion of the Tatar-Mongols, these lands became a subject territory of Lithuania, and thereafter, a part of Poland. The south-eastern domain of the latter, inhabited by Russian Orthodox population, began to be called Ukraine (the borderland).

Under the Polish rule, the Ukrainian Orthodox population was oppressed, self-government of towns was considerably limited, peasants lost their right to land and were made serfs, panshchyna (days of compulsory work for the Pan, that is, Polish landowner) was three days a week. Orthodox residents were deprived of civil rights.

The sufferings of Orthodox population in Poland of the 17^th century are evidenced by the speech of the Volyn deputy L. Drevinsky, delivered in 1620 at the Seim in the presence of the King: "...everyone sees clearly what oppression this ancient Russian people is suffering with regard to its faith. In the big cities, temples are placed under a seal, church property is plundered, monasteries do not have monks and are used as cattle barns, children die without baptism, the bodies of the dead are taken out from cities without a church rite like carrion... Not to mention other cities, I will speak of what is happening in Lvov: people who are not Uniates may neither live in the city, nor trade, nor join a craft guild. Orthodox monks are caught on public roads, beaten and imprisoned. Worthy and learned persons are not awarded civil ranks only because they are not Uniates."

The offensive of the Polish government and gentry against Ukrainian lands to catholicize and Polonize them, on the one hand, and exert economic and social pressure, on the other hand, aroused resistance of the Ukrainian people. In the period from the middle of the 15^th to the middle of the 16^th centuries, 50 years out of 100 were spent by Moscow state in warring for the freedom of the oppressed Orthodox Christians of Rzeczpospolita, and even more so in the 17^th century. The outcome of all peace talks with Rzeczpospolita was Poland’s commitment to stop the persecution of Orthodox believers, and under the peace treaty of 1686, the Russian government left in Poland its authorized delegates to monitor the observance of the rights and freedoms of Orthodox Russian people.

The idea of the unity of the West and the East of Russia was always alive in all its parts. In the 17^th century, the national liberation war of the Ukrainian people under the leadership of B. Khmelnytsky resulted in a partial reunification of Ukraine with Russia. Moscow concluded an agreement with Poland, according to which Ukraine was divided into two parts, The Left Bank lands with Kiev were taken by Moscow, while the Right Bank lands were taken by Poland. In the 18^th century, the lands of Western Ukraine were taken by Austria-Hungary.

After the reunion, life of the Ukrainian population and elite fundamentally changed for the better. Beginning with the 18^th century, the natives of Kiev and Lvov became gained the upper hand in the scientific, literary and ecclesiastical field of Russia. Before the special decree of the Russian Empress dated April 17, 1754 on ordaining of bishops from among Great Russians, only Little Russians were bishops in the Russian Orthodox Church. When, in accordance with the " Spiritual Regulation" of Peter the Great (1721), each hierarchal homestead was obliged to establish a spiritual school, the teachers there were exclusively Ukrainians who introduced the pedagogical system of the Kyev-Mohyla Academy[79]. A lot of Little Russians entered the diplomatic and higher state service both in Russia itself and in its foreign missions.

After reunification with Russia in the 17-18^th centuries, Ukraine was developing at a rapid pace. It became the main breadbasket of Russia. At the end of the 19^th century, the Donets Basin (Donbass) became one of the main mining and metallurgical centers in Russia, and Odessa became one of its main seaports. By the end of the 19^th century, Ukraine was covered by a dense network of railways. After the reform of 1861, Ukraine became the main center for the development of Russian industry. In two decades, coal production increased 13-fold, and mining of iron ore 158-fold. By the end of the 19^th century, cast iron production in Ukraine was twice as much as in the Urals. Ukraine becomes the main center of transport and agricultural machine building, producing 35-40% of the entire output of this equipment in Russia.

The population of Ukraine is actively involved in the economic and cultural life of the Russian Empire. Kiev becomes the second cultural and scientific capital after Petersburg. Natives of Ukraine take an active part in development of Siberia. Of the 2.5 million immigrants who left for Siberia during 1906-1912, about 1 million were from Ukraine.

The late 19^th and early 20^th century were the start of the rapid industrialization of Novorossiya. The region of Donetsk and Krivoy Rog became the basis for a rapid growth of the metallurgical and mining industry. The Donbass left the Urals behind in terms of development speed, and became a " new America" for hundreds of thousands of workers. A powerful agro-industrial complex was set up that supplied grain and agricultural raw materials.

The industrial development of the region was hindered by the civil and the First World War. But already in the 1930s, the Soviet Union accomplished the second industrialization of the Donbass. The coal and metallurgical industry, as well as machine building, were developing. The region becomes the main resource base for industrialization of the whole of the USSR, as well as a source of high-skilled personnel. In the Soviet era, Ukraine became the most developed republic of the USSR in terms of science and industry. In the first five-year plan, it accounted for more than 20% of total capital investments. Of 1500 new industrial enterprises, 400 were built in Ukraine, including the world’s largest Zaporozhstal, Kommunar, Krivorozhstal, Azovstal, Dneproaluminiystroy, Krammashstroy, Kharkov tractor works and Lugansk locomotive works.

As a result of industrialization, Ukraine outstripped a number of Western European countries by the level of development of heavy industry branches. It took second place in Europe (after Germany) by pig iron production, and the fourth place in the world by coal mining. By production of metal and machines, Ukraine was ahead of France and Italy, catching up with England.

After the Great Patriotic War, the restoration of Ukraine went at full tilt. Already in 1950, the republican production of rolled ferrous metal products, iron ore, electricity, mineral fertilizers and other important types of industrial products exceeded the pre-war level. The gross industrial output exceeded the pre-war 1940 level by 15%, including in machine building and metalworking – by 44%, in construction materials industry – by a factor of 2.3. The average annual growth rate of industrial output in the republic exceeded almost 1.5-fold the all-Union figures. Ukraine was giving about 48% of the all-Union steel production, 33% of rolled metal, 53% of iron ore, 30% of coal, 38% of metal cutting equipment, 71% of sugar. By 1960, the industrial output of the Ukrainian SSR increased more than 3.6-fold compared with 1940. Labor productivity over this period has increased more than 2.5-fold. In 1965, the industrial production of the republic was already 5.6-fold higher than in 1940.

In the 1970s, Ukraine became a leader in development of the advanced areas of scientific and technological progress – aircraft and rocket-and-space building, nuclear engineering, instrument making, shipbuilding, and electrical engineering. The level of development of sea, railway, pipeline transport was one of the highest in the USSR. The income and quality of life of the population have increased multifold. According to Western estimates, the national income of Ukraine per capita in the 1970s was higher than in Italy.

As part of the USSR, Ukraine was not only a leader in attracting investments, but also significantly grew in territory. After the collapse of the Russian Empire, the Ukrainian Central Rada emerged in Kiev and immediately laid claim on Novorossiya[80]. It is notable that none of the eastern governorates expressed a desire to join the Ukrainian project. Neither Kharkov region nor Malorossiya supported the idea of secession from Russia. The prominent figure of the Ukrainian movement Evgeny Chikalenko wrote: " Odessa, Kherson, Nikolaev, Sevastopol and other sea ports will probably remain Russian for a very long time. It is because Little Russians, together with Great Russians, will firmly defend the Russification of these cities." Neither the Rada, nor Hetman Skoropadsky, nor Petlyura managed to Ukrainize Novorossiysk.

In May of 1918, the representative of the Austrian army at the government of Ukraine Major General Waldstetten reported to Vienna: " There is no Ukrainian national thought, at least in Southern Ukraine. Everyone lives, thinks and speaks Russian. Nobody understands Ukrainian."

In 1918, Odessa and Donetsk-Krivoy Rog Soviet Republics appeared, which were soon liquidated during the German offensive. Germany directly contributed to the process of the birth of Ukrainian statehood. The Chief of Staff of the Eastern Front, German General Hoffmann wrote: " In reality, Ukraine is entirely of my own making, and not the fruit of the conscious will of the Russian people. I created Ukraine..." This fact is confirmed also by the memoirs of Denikin, published in 1932, and by the words of the leader of the Ukrainian national movement Mikhail Grushevsky: " For a long time, a desire maturated in the political circles of Germany to see Ukraine as a strong independent state separated from Russia. During the war, the German government specifically assigned instructors who were to introduce national consciousness into the minds of Ukrainian captives and create from them Ukrainian regiments that would protect the independence of Ukraine after the war. This was done without approval of the Ukrainian political leaders, without preliminary consultations with them, because these leaders wanted a peaceful resolution of the Ukrainian problem within the framework of Russia."

General Hoffmann advised the Ukrainian delegates in Brest-Litovsk to create their own independent state. Soon, two Brest Treaties appeared at once: it should be remembered that Russia signed peace with the countries of the Quadruple Union two months later than the Ukrainian People’s Republic. Austria and Germany regarded Ukraine as the center of the federalist movement in opposition to Soviet Russia. Kiev was to unite the independent governments of the Crimea, Little Russia, Kuban Republic, Terek Republic, Novorossiya and so on.

It was supposed to create a zone of confrontation around Russia, but it failed. However, by entering into negotiations with the Ukrainian side, the Bolsheviks essentially legitimized the very fact of the possible transfer of the lands of Novorossiya into possession of Kiev. There were no actual grounds for this, except for the ambitions of the Ukrainian elite and the pressure of the German occupation forces. This was the first time when the question arose about transfer of the Crimea to Ukraine.

The ideology of Ukrainian nationalism was established mainly in the 1920s and 1930s, quickly transforming to Nazism[81]. In the first OUN program (1928), the following premises were declared above all: creation of a strong and independent Ukrainian state; revolution as the way to achieve Ukrainian independence; " Ukraine for Ukrainians! "; supremacy of the nation over an individual.

After the end of the civil and Soviet-Polish war, Bolsheviks proceeded with creating a new state formation, the Ukrainian SSR, by transferring Slobozhanshchina and Novorossiya to Kiev. Thus, Soviet Russia got rid of its historical territory, both in a theoretical sense, as a term, and in a practical sense, as a territory[82]. Later, after liberation by Soviet troops in November of 1944, the governments of Czechoslovakia and the USSR concluded an agreement on the exclusion of Transcarpathia from Czechoslovakia and its inclusion in Ukraine. In 1946, Transcarpathian region of Ukrainian SSR was formed.

In 1954, with a vague formulation " taking into account commonality of the economy, territorial proximity and close economic and cultural ties between Crimean Region and Ukrainian SSR, " the Crimea was transferred to Ukraine[83].

As a result of the USSR collapse, the Ukrainian SSR obtains status of an independent state. And immediately, its complex composition is manifested. The majority of the population of the eastern, southern and northern regions of Ukraine, which not only were originally established as Russian lands, but throughout almost entire their history remained in the same state with Russia, extremely painfully endured the collapse of the USSR and strove after an alliance with Russia. They resisted Ukrainization, and sought to grant the Russian language officially recognized status.

At the same time, the former republican political and humanitarian elite, having reached the coveted independence and adopted the concept incidental to Ukrainian nationalists of the last century, started building the national idea on a pro-Western and anti-Russian basis. The process of the aggressive Ukrainization policy began, with an own invented conception of history. The ideas used as its groundwork were not the ones developed by imperial or Soviet researchers[84], but those of the western anti-Russian school. This process was enthusiastically supported by the population of Western Ukraine. In the public consciousness of this part of the Ukrainian people, Russians were perceived if not as enemies, then as the main threat to the unity of the Ukrainian nation, which should be neutralized by any means. Their political representatives were categorical opponents of giving the Russian language any status and integrating with Russia. They perceived Euro-integration as a guarantee against reunification with Russia and actively dragged Ukraine along the " European choice" path.

The central part of Ukraine did not have a clear orientation. Kiev has traditionally remained the center of Russian culture, the people of Kiev continued to speak and think Russian. Gradually, in the course of building of the Ukrainian nation, the capital became flooded with representatives of the western regions, and Kiev became the center of Ukrainian nationalism. As the living standards worsened and the economy deteriorated, the latter was becoming ever more aggressive. With aggravation of the political struggle, which was conducted in all elections by Ukrainian nationalists against the South and East of Ukraine that resisted their influence, nationalism was transforming into Nazism. As was rightly observed by the authoritative Russian analyst A. Davydov, " any nationalism is a preliminary form of Nazism. When in a particular society the nationality is declared the highest value, then only half a step remains to assertion of national superiority, since where nationality becomes the main thing, there the nation is above anything else. The issue of nationality always and everywhere inevitably boils down to the issue of blood purity, and the issue of blood purity always and everywhere ends with bloodshed."

Long before Ukrainian Nazis began killing all those who publicly expressed their Russianness, the leaders of the western part of Ukraine were forced to rely on them to seize power. Since the first anti-state action, organized as far back as in October of 1990 under the leadership of a radical student organization, the Nazis were the advance team of Ukrainian nationalists. In 2004, with the connivance of Kuchma, they acted as the decisive political force of the Orange Revolution, forcibly making the Supreme Court of Ukraine adopt an unconstitutional resolution to hold the third round of elections and thus bringing Yushchenko to power. The latter, under the guidance of his wife E. Chumachenko, an employee of the U.S. secret services known for her Nazi views, made Ukrainian Nazism part of the state ideology and domestic policy[85]. And in 2014, the Nazis performed a forcible power takeover and launched a straightforward genocide of the Russian population of Ukraine.

During 23 years of its statehood, the former Soviet Ukraine (where 87% voted in 1990 for preservation of the USSR) turned into a Nazi dictatorship committing mass crimes against its own people. By conducting forced mobilization of men to participate in war crimes against residents of the Donbass, the Nazis in power involve hundreds of thousands of citizens in war crimes, forcing them to kill their fellow countrymen. Minds of millions of Ukrainians are subjected to total brainwashing by Nazi propaganda, based on lies and hatred towards Russia. The state education system, starting with kindergartens, educates children in hatred of Russia, falsifying history and creating a national idea on legends about the struggle of the Ukrainian people with Russian invaders.

In the article Unfinished Reich [86] , Doctor of Military Science K. Sivkov compared the ideological and political grounds for the aggression of the Kiev junta and the fascist Germany. In the author’s opinion, all attempts by Kiev to establish an ideological basis for justifying the military campaign against the Donbass on a set of unproven shoddy facts are untenable. Thus, if the ideological exceptionality of the Aryan race was proclaimed in Hitler’s Germany, with an extensive mystical and mythological historiography in that regard that looked plausible for the average man, in today’s Ukraine, the exclusivity of the Ukrainian nation and its right to dominate are confirmed only by " the history of Ukrs, " which provokes even among Ukrainians nothing but ridicule.

An important part of the ideology of war is its geopolitics. It shows the image of the post-war world as the purpose and meaning of the upcoming (ongoing) struggle. At the same time, at the slogan level, the image should be satisfying to the absolute majority of the country’s population. Hitler based his geopolitics on the idea of " Lebensraum" (living space) that would be earned by conquering " retarded" peoples, and the absolute majority of Germans accepted this. In Ukraine, the role of the geopolitical component is played by a model of the system of regional and intra-Ukrainian relations. The things proposed by the authorities in Kiev to the people are rejected by the significant part of the latter. Unitarity of the state structure, strict orientation toward the West, association with the EU, hostility towards Russia are rejected by residents of the South and East of Ukraine, are not imbibed by the majority of the population of the central part of Ukraine, and by a notable minority of its western regions. Even the total information and police pressure does not help much[87].

The process of ideological enslavement of Ukrainians was not spontaneous. As shown in a number of studies, it was directed, organized and financed from the United States. Thousands of American and European non-governmental organizations have been constantly working with various layers of Ukrainian society, growing its new elite on anti-Russian ideology. By the end of Yushchenko’s presidency, the Russophobes they nurtured flooded all the republican media, seized key positions in all government bodies, and the Nazi ideology grew in the educational system.

The policy of Ukrainization was being implemented against a background of rapid degradation of the economy and deterioration of living standards. In order to prevent a change in the course on Ukraine’s separation from Russia, the U.S. secret services used the entire arsenal of hybrid warfare methods described above. The highest level of public administration was subjected to " chaotization" by changing the basic guidelines for the formation of domestic and foreign policies, the level of competence and qualifications of the supreme power machinery was reduced, the prevailing psychology was " as if there were no tomorrow, " provoking an atmosphere of impunity and permissiveness[88]. Independent political life became impossible, given a total interference of external controllers at all levels of public life. But the most dangerous trend, associated with external control over the state machinery and social life of Ukraine, was the introduction into the public consciousness of the " friend-foe" coordinate system by the efforts of journalists, experts and grant-eaters trained by Western consultants, who consistently conducted a procedure to cut out everything Russian from the public consciousness and to instill the anti-Russian self-identification of Ukrainians.

The U.S. experts involved in creation of managed chaos in countries that have become targets of U.S. aggression, themselves call this work " nation-building." To conduct it in Ukraine, they used a pre-prepared army of Ukrainian Nazis, the descendants of former Hitler’s accomplices who had taken refuge in the United States and Canada, that had become a real hideout for the Banderites. Here is a key quote of Bandera that makes it possible to understand why the leaders of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists – the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (OUN-UPA), who were convicted by the Nuremberg Tribunal and fell into the hands of the U.S., not only avoided being sentenced, but also happened to be in demand in the U.S. that helped these Nazis ascend a career ladder, claimed their infrastructure, and provided them an opportunity to participate in American lawmaking: " Consequently, the enemy is not only a given regime, be it the tsarist or Bolshevik one, not only the state and social system, but the very Muscovite nation, infested with demons of imperialism, imperialism, the desire to be ever more large, powerful and rich." [89]

Galician Nazis were much needed by the U.S. and Canada (4% of the population of this country are people from Western Ukraine) in their policies aimed at weakening and destroying Russia. Thus, the co-chairman of the " Ukrainian-American Committee" Galician L. Dobryansky (also a teacher of E. Chumachenko, the wife of V. Yushchenko and the " shadow" coordinator of U.S. programs in Ukraine) is a co-author of the text of the U.S. Statute " On Captive Nations" – in fact, the act about the war against Russia and the Russian World, declared in 1959 to be the territory of the captive nations.

The United States, like its allies in the " empire of good, " is not shy about setting the odds on Galician Nazism as a supporting ideology for achieving its geopolitical dominance in Ukraine. Poroshenko, whom they made the head of the state, continued the line of his " orange" predecessor Yushchenko, who awarded the title of " Heroes of Ukraine" to Bandera and Shukhevych[90].

Poroshenko said that the Galicians are the basis of Ukrainian statehood, and proclaimed the date of founding of the OUN-UPA that collaborated with Hitlerites as " Defender of the Fatherland Day."

It should be noted that the Ukrainian Nazis, nurtured by the U.S. secret services, were brought up on the concrete historical example, namely, the activities of local collaborator organizations created by the Hitlerites – the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN), and the heroization of their leaders – S. Bandera, R. Shukhevych, Ya. Stetsko and others. These organizations were condemned by the Nuremberg Tribunal as fascist ones, and their leaders were acknowledged as war criminals. This, however, does not prevent the representatives of the current Kiev regime from acquitting Nazi henchmen, traditionally explaining the events by no less than " Moscow falsification." [91] The historians have enough facts of war crimes committed by the Ukrainian Nazis as part of the SS Division Galizien. Agreeing to creation of the SS division, the emigre intelligentsia justified this step by the idea that the division would " serve the Ukrainian cause." The immediate reason for the creation of this division was a hope that this would improve the attitude of Germans towards Ukrainians. Encouraging young people to voluntarily join the division, some agitators even presented the ominous SS abbreviation as an encrypted " sichove striletstvo" – Sich Riflemen (although SS is fully responsible for many crimes of Nazism: mass shootings, experimenting on " human material, " genocide). The division was a typical collaborative formation, with the creation of which the Nazis proceeded when the defeat of Germany in the war had already become a foregone conclusion. It is significant, however, that at the end of the war, about 12 thousand people from Division Galizien were transferred by the British to an internment camp in the town of Spital, and from there to Italy, where they were in the camps in Bellaria, and from September of 1945 to May of 1947, in Rimini. Moscow demanded extradition of all those who served under the banners of Galizien. But the Western allies did not give them up for formal reasons: they were citizens not of the Soviet Union, but of the Second Rzeczpospolita. In May and June of 1947, all Ukrainians, with the exception of 1, 052 people who expressed a desire to return to the USSR, were transported to England. There they were placed in war prisoner camps and involved in agricultural work. At the end of 1948, former Division militants were released and dispersed around the world, to the U.S., Canada, Australia, Argentina.

The main enemy of the OUN members were Little Russians, that is, Ukrainians who did not separate themselves from Russia and the true ancient name of this land. At the same time, amongst the crucial areas of the " activity" of the OUN-UPA was destruction of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of Moscow Patriarchate. Thus, they murdered priest Alexei (Gromadsky), who in fact thwarted the creation of the Ukrainian Local Church, which they tried to establish by forcibly uniting the UOC-MP with the so-called " Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church." The latter was headed by the future false patriarch of the UAOC and Petlyura’s nephew, who said that the Union was good: " let it be with devil himself, but not with Moscow! "

Attempts by neo-Nazis to remove the weight of responsibility for the monstrous crimes of their predecessors, arguing that the Banderites were both against the USSR and against Hitler, do not stand up to criticism. As the researcher of Ukrainian ethnic nationalism Kirill Frolov states, " the Reich ordered OUN-UPA to kill " Moskals, " and they killed, ordered to kill Poles, and they killed them alike" [92].

In the summer of 1941, the northern Ukrainian legion Nachtigal (Nightingale) was created under the leadership of Roman Shukhevych, along with the southern legion Roland. These units were intended to fight against the Bolsheviks, and the soldiers of these legions were obliged to wear a trident on their uniform.

On June 30, 1941, the National Assembly in Lvov proclaimed the Declaration of Ukrainian State Act. The chairman of the National Assembly, Yaroslav Stetsko, was authorized to establish a Provisional Government for organization of Ukrainian power structures completely controlled by the Reich. S. Bandera, at the bidding of German intelligence from among the Abwehr staff, organized activities of the occupation police and recruited agents for the Reich secret services.

In the beginning of August 1943, a meeting of representatives of the German authorities and the OUN took place in Sarny, Rovno region, on the issue of joint actions against Soviet partisans. In mid-August, the OUN delegation visited Berlin for the same purposes. As a result of the negotiations, an agreement was reached, according to which the OUN-UPA undertook to protect railways and bridges from attacks of the Soviet partisans, to take part in the fight against the partisan movement, to implement and support the measures of the German occupation authorities. The leaders of the UPA undertook to detain and transfer to Gestapo Soviet scouts sent to the Nazi-occupied territory, to deliver the procured Soviet ciphers, to report the stationing of Soviet and Polish (in the eastern areas of Poland) partisan forces and, together with the German armed forces and police units, to take measures to destroy them.

Collaboration between the UPA and the Nazis was not a single or local case, but was encouraged from above and spread widely, which caused an appropriate response from the German authorities. Thus, the Commander-in-Chief of the Security Police and SD in Ukraine, SS Brigadenfü hrer and police Major-General Brenner informed his subordinate intelligence agencies in the western regions of Ukraine on February 12, 1944 of the fact that in connection with the successful negotiations with the UPA in the area of the villages of Derazhnoe and Verba (Rovno region), the UPA leaders committed to send their scouts to the Soviet rear and to report the results of their activity to the 1st department at the headquarters of the German Army Group South.

The actions of Ukrainian nationalists and their punitive squads were associated with numerous military crimes against the civilian population. The most notorious of them was participation of the company of the 118th battalion commanded by ensign V. Meleshko in the extermination of Khatyn village on March 22, 1943, when 149 civilians died, half of whom were children. This is discussed by historian S. Drobyazko[93].

On June 30, 1941, on the very first day of their incursion into Lvov, the Banderites committed a massacre in the city, which resulted over three days in deaths of several thousand Jews, Polish intelligentsia and Soviet activists. Eyewitnesses describing these atrocities were shocked by the combination of the Ukrainian language of pogromists and SS insignia on their uniforms. Massacres were accompanied by appalling outrages. According to testimony of the Western researcher Aleksander Korman, " In the alley of old trees, they " decorated" the trunk of each tree with the corpse of a child killed before then. The corpses were nailed to the trees in such a way as to create the appearance of a wreath. They called this alley " the road to an independent Ukraine." [94]

In 1943-1944, detachments of the UPA exterminated over 100, 000 Poles in Volhynia and Galicia. The Polish periodical Na Rubież y [95] , published by Foundation Volyn, describes 135 ways of torture and atrocity that the UPA militants applied to the Polish civilian population, including children. Victims of the UPA were Russians, Czechs, Jews, but most of all Ukrainians, who refused to cooperate with fascists.

In total, during the three-year fascist occupation in the western regions of Ukraine, the Nazis with the active assistance of Ukrainian militant nationalists (or directly by efforts of the OUN-UPA) killed more than two million citizens, of whom about a million Jews, 200-220 thousand Poles, more than 400 thousand Soviet prisoners of war, and more than 500 thousand local Ukrainians.

To date, many books have been written describing the numerous crimes of those who were collectively called " Banderites." Wiktor Poliszczuk in his book Bitter Truth: The Criminality of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA): The Testimony of a Ukrainian [96] states, " We did not look into who was in the UPA, and who was in another group – we called everyone Banderites, because they themselves praised their 'Fü hrer' Bandera." However, as shown below, the current followers of Bandera also, without further ado, prefer to call themselves Banderites. Moreover, they do not renounce the atrocities of their predecessors, but on the contrary, are proud of them. A symptomatic example of this are words of a deputy of the Rovno City Council which he said to an ovation of his " brethren in faith" in 1993, " I am proud of the fact that out of 1, 500 punitive squad members in Babi Yar there were 1200 policemen from the OUN and only 300 Germans."

The predecessors of the Nazi henchmen from the OUN-UPA were " Subcarpathian Ukrainians, " the executioners of Thalerhof. Like their followers, cutthroats from the Ukrainian Insurgent Army, Galician Ukrainians affirmed themselves on the principle of " killing the Russian in oneself and around." " Galician Ukrainism" cannot be neutral and tolerant of traditional Russian self-consciousness, because it is a form of its denial. This can be exemplified by all its manifestations, from extermination of the Russian majority in Galicia itself to the present genocide of the Russian people in Novorossiya and the policy of the Kiev regime bent on destruction of canonical Orthodoxy.

At the turn of the 19^th and 20^th centuries, Austria-Hungary unleashed genocide in response to the growth of Russian national consciousness in its subordinate regions. First, they put on show trial the priests and laymen accepting Orthodoxy and speaking Russian. These were so called " Olga Grabar trial" (1882), first and second Marmaros-Sziget trials (1912-1914) of Transcarpathian peasants who were moving to Orthodox Church by whole villages (over 90 people were convicted, and thousands of peasants were living in a state of siege), Maxim Sandovich and Semen Bendasyuk trial (1914), trial of F. Bogatyrets, Doctor of Theology, and " Brothers Gerovskiye case" on Bukovina (1912-1914).

Later on, when the First World War broke out, mass anti-Russian terror began. A network of concentration camps was established (the most famous of them being Thalerhof near Graz in Austria). At first, over 60 thousand people were killed, over 100 thousand people escaped to Russia, another 80 thousand were killed after the first retreat of Russian army including some 300 Uniate priests suspected of sympathy for Orthodoxy and Russia. All Russian deputies of the Vienna Parliament were shot.

Subcarpathian " Ukrainophiles, " the ideological forefathers of Banderites, played an important role in unleashing this terrible genocide. Here is what a Galician-Russian historian V. Vavrik wrote about these events[97]: " Austrian-Magyar terror engulfed the whole Subcarpathian Rus… at once... Our brothers who disavowed Rus became not only myrmidons of the Habsburg monarchy, but also the most lowdown snitches and even executioners of their native people... they performed the most despicable, shameful assignments of German equestrians. It is enough to have a look through the Ukrainian newspaper Dilo, which was published for the intelligentsia, to make sure of this once and for all. Sokal uyezd was a log in the eyes of " Ukrainian patriots, " so they showered delations against the Russian people like hail from a black thundercloud... Steniatinsky, a teacher, turned prominent, active peasants of the neighborhood to the authorities... In the village of Makoviski, Uniate priest Kraychik was delating against his parishioners. In the village of Sosnitsa, " men of trust" – Ukrainians Mikhail Slyusar, village headman Mikhail Kushnir, and others, delated against their fellow villagers, on basis of which the peasants were hanged... The Magyar uhlans tied two men, Nikolai Smigorovsky and Andrei Gardy, to their saddles and dragged four kilometers to the village of Zadubrovy and back, and then hung them on willows. In the Stanislav prison in Dubrov, executions did not cease from morning till night..."

V. Vavrik also gives horrific data regarding the camp of Thalerhof[98]. "...We have a precise description of this Austrian hell made by Thalerhof captives in their notes and diaries. The first group of Russian people from Galitsiya was brought to Thalerhof on September 4, 1914. There were no barracks in Thalerhof till winter of 1916. People grouped together were lying on damp ground in the open air exposed to cold, darkness, rain and frost... Ioann Maschak, a priest, noted under the date of December 11, 1914, that 11 people were bitten to death by lice. There were pillars around all territory of Thalerhof with martyrs hanging on them, who had already been mercilessly pummeled; there was also German procedure of anbinden, when a person was hanged up by one leg. There were no exclusions even for women and priests... However, brutality of Germans’ could not even compare with violence of compatriots. No German could penetrate Slovenian Rusyn soul with his iron boots deeper than the same Slovenian, who called himself Ukrainian, someone like Mr. Timchuk, informer and hangman, a police officer of Peremyshl town, who spoke about his native population as if they were cattle. He was the right hand of Piller, an executioner, whom he supplied with information about prisoners. However, Timchuk was outdone by another Ukrainian, Chirovskiy, son of a Uniate priest and ober-lieutenant of Austrian reserve... All Thalerhof prisoners characterize him as a professional torturer and executioner."

Here is another testimony of a Thalerhof prisoner, M.A. Marko, " It is terrifying and painful to recall that still close period of our national history, when own brethren, brought up in the same domestic and ethnographic conditions, not only readily took part with the physical tortures of his own nation, but even more so, required such tortures and insisted on them... Subcarpathian " Ukrainians" were one of the key initiators of our national martyrology during the war time." [99]

In the context of the described and said above, it is appropriate to cite the diagnosis established in respect of " nativism" by one of the greatest researchers of this phenomenon, a Russian historian N. Ulyanov[100]: " It was once taken for granted that the national essence of a people is best expressed by the party that leads the nationalist movement. Nowadays, Ukrainian nativism provides an example of the greatest hatred toward all most honored and most ancient traditions and cultural values of the Little Russian people: it persecuted the Old Church Slavonic language established in Russia since the adoption of Christianity, and even more cruelly persecuted the all-Russian literary language, which for a thousand years was at the core of writing in all parts of the Kievan state, they are changing the cultural and historical terminology, traditional assessments of the characters and events of the past. All of this means not understanding and affirmation, but eradication of the national soul..."

National nativism was encouraged not only by executions, shootings and genocide of entire nations. A little-studied page in history is the Leninist-Trotskyist period, which has been interpreted by nativist historians in a totally wrong way. Meanwhile, the first 20 years of the Soviet regime were a true golden age of nativism. The total Ukrainization, conducted against the background of genocide of the Russian people, devastation of Russian culture, church, destruction of the intelligentsia, was an important part of Lenin’s national policy. Many members of the Association of Ukrainian Progressists (TUP), the main separatist organization of the time, sided with the Bolsheviks, including such " giants" as Grushevsky and Vynnychenko. In 1923, the famous decree of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of the Bolsheviks on mandatory Ukrainization was issued. According to this decree, the condition of employment, regardless of education, academic degree, etc., was a certificate of completing the course of Ukrainian studies. The total forcible Ukrainization engulfed in those years the space from Eastern Volhynia to the Kuban and Stavropol Territories. " The recalcitrant enemies" were, as it is known, eliminated.

In this regard, it should be noted that Chubar, the man whose name is inextricably linked to the terrible famine of the 1930s, the chairman of the Council of People’s Commissars of the Ukrainian SSR since 1923 (he signed the infamous Decree " On Combating Sabotage in Grain Collection" of December 6, 1932), at the same time was an ardent Bolshevist " Ukrainizer." It is also highly educational to trace the geography of Bolshevist genocide. It embraced in the first place the well-to-do regions – Volhynia, Poltava, that from olden times were a stronghold of exactly Russian conservative and preservative forces. Curious as it might seem today, there were more members of the Union of the Russian People in Volhynia than anywhere else. One of the main spiritual centers of the entire Rus, including Volhynia, was the Pochaev Lavra, and the spiritual leader of that time was the Archbishop of Volhynia Antony (Khrapovitsky), an outstanding Orthodox theologian, together with Pochaev father superior, Archimandrite Vitaly (Maximenko), who was considered an informal " dictator" of the province. In Poltava region, the revolt of Martyn Pushkar broke out against Vyhovsky who tried to turn Little Russia back to Poland, it was the Poltava colonel Iskra who unveiled the treason of Mazepa... Poltava land gave the world a great Russian writer Gogol. The history of this region includes a characteristic episode: when the well-known " nativist" Chubinsky (the author of the anthem Nay, thou art not dead, Ukraine) was visiting Poltava region with propaganda purposes, he was simply beaten by Poltava peasants.

The forcible Bolshevist Ukrainization also befell Novorossiya. It was important for the Bolsheviks to show the whole world that the small peoples liberated from the yoke of tsarism obtain actual rights and freedoms, a genuine " rootage, " only from the Soviet power. They expected to use the Ukrainian SSR as a lodestar of sorts to promote socialism toward Western Ukraine, and then to Poland, because they were convinced that Ukrainization would give the Sovietization process attractive forms. In the 1920s the Ukrainian language and culture were consistently propagated in Novorossiya. Books, textbooks, and newspapers were translated. Ukrainian is used as the language of theaters, government bodies, education system and courts. The very name " Novorossiya" disappears after inclusion of the territory into the Ukrainian SSR.

It is interesting to compare the results of two censuses – the All-Union city census in 1923 and the First All-Union census in 1926, when the process of Ukrainization was already well under way. In 1923, there were only 2.2 thousand Ukrainians in Donetsk (6.9% of the total population), three years after, their number increased 12.5-fold. In Odessa, 21 thousand (6.6%), in 1926 – three and a half times more. In Dnepropetrovsk, 20.6 thousand (16%), with more than a fourfold increase. Accordingly, the relative share of the Russian population decreased. In Lugansk, from 63.4 to 43, 7%. In Mariupol, from 52.8 to 35.2%. In Artemovsk, there were 50.8% Russians in 1923, with only 23.5% in 1926. Such figures are given by Alexander Karevin, a well-known Kiev publicist, philologist and historian, specialist in South Russian history. These statistics describe the process not only of Ukrainization, but also of the second urbanization of Novorossiya, when the rural population, mostly the Little Russians, flocked to cities fleeing war, famine and collectivization. However, Ukrainian peasants dissolved after relocation in the Russian cultural melting pot, while Russians still remained the dominant ethnic group. Given the traditionally strong position of the Russian language, the republican leadership essentially supported the Ukrainian language and culture. In 1923, there was but a single Ukrainian school per district of the Donbass, in 1929, their number exceeded 30. In Nikolaev in the 1927-1928 academic year, out of 30 schools there were already 12 Ukrainian and 12 Russian. In Odessa, out of 66 schools 23 were Ukrainian, and 15 Jewish. In 1927, it was believed that 82% of schools in the Ukrainian SSR had been Ukrainized. As noted by A. Mekhanik[101], support of the Ukrainian language in the Soviet era became part of a general policy of supporting national languages, even in defiance of common sense. Such a policy fully complied with the thesis of the leader of the peoples on culture " socialist in content and national in form."

It is important to note that historically, there was no Ukrainian Nazism at the mundane level either in Malorossiya or in Novorossiya. Ukrainian culture developed there in organic unity with the all-Russian culture, generating many remarkable figures in the most diverse spheres of life, like Gogol, Shevchenko, Dal, Dovzhenko, poetess Anna Akhmatova, movie director Stanislav Govorukhin, satirist Mikhail Zhvanetsky, marshal Rodion Malinovsky, submariner Alexander Marinesko, writer Korney Chukovsky, singer Leonid Utesov, composer Sergei Prokofiev, mathematician Grigory Fikhtengolts, poet Sasha Cherny and many others.

Ukrainian nationalism never acquired aggressive forms within the framework of a single country, it proceeded from Ukrainian specificity as an organic part of the single Russian people. Moreover, this was the root part which actually gave birth to the Great Russian people, the Great Russian word, the Great Russian state, in the establishing of which Ukrainians took the most active part, rightfully feeling themselves masters of the Russian Land from Chukotka to Chiş ină u. Kiev proudly bears the name of the mother of all Russian cities, and the Kiev-Mohyla Academy is rightly considered the progenitress of the modern Russian language[102]. Ironically, during the years of Ukrainian independence, the academy transformed from a respectable university training in the first place in exact and fundamental sciences into a Russophobic bulwark of pro-American policy with an official ban on speaking within its grounds any languages other than Ukrainian or English.

Within a single empire, be it Russian Orthodox or Soviet communist one, Ukrainian nationalism could not objectively evolve into Nazism. Even Bolshevist experiments with Ukrainization ended in a failure, and Ukrainization took humane forms of Soviet Ukrainian literature. Soviet culture created a positive image of the Ukrainian character, the same Russian in spirit, but at the same time original in a stubborn disposition, a sense of humor, thrift and businesslike approach. At the same time, he is always ready to stand up for his friends, showing courage and heroism in the defense of one country that unites Russians with other peoples of the Empire, in building of the common House. But such is the essence of the historical irony: although today the Ukrainian language became the only official language in Ukraine and, obviously, is much more widely used in everyday life than in the last years of Soviet power, this did not result in development of its cultural basis. The latter requires a massive publication of literature in the Ukrainian language, however, even in today’s " nativist" Kiev in the book store " Naukova Dumka" (" Scientific Thought" ) on Grushevsky Street, scientific literature in the national language is nowhere to be found. It simply does not exist[103].

Thus, the practice of propagated Ukrainization showed that the very appearance and spread of Ukrainian nationalism was always outwardly induced and directed against Russia. Although periodically victims of the Ukrainian Nazis were also Jews and Poles, depending on the policies of the states that directed the Ukrainian Nazis. Sweeping into power, the Ukrainian Nazis always implemented the program implanted in their consciousness, to destroy everything Russian – people, language, culture, faith.

Almost all Ukrainian Nazis professed uniatism, that is, the Greek Catholic Church subordinate to the Vatican and imposed by the Catholic countries which controlled the western part of modern Ukraine. They were always distinguished by a low level of education and culture in comparison with the rest of Ukrainian population who lived in the same cultural environment with Russia. And they always lived worse than Malorossiya and Novorossiya, specializing in supply of migrant workers to European countries. They have never been masters of their land, obeying Poland one day, Austria-Hungary another day. This inferiority complex became a breeding ground for hatred toward Russian population of the rest of Ukraine, who lived a full life of masters of their land and builders of the world’s greatest Empire with advanced culture, science and technology[104]. Hatred, in its turn, immediately transforms into a sense of superiority and sadism, as soon as the Nazis get their hands on weapons and power.

The consistent policy of " Ukrainization" was started by Austria at the end of the 19^th century in Galicia, in order to prepare the socio-cultural ground for seizing the territories around the Dnieper. It was through the environment of " nativist" Galicians that the idea of creating the state of " Ukraine" from the Carpathians to the Volga River and the Caucasus was thrown in. This initially anti-Russian project elicited response in the U.S. There, publication of the emigre liberal newspaper " Svoboda" (" Freedom" ) with a pro-Ukrainian orientation started in 1893. The archives of this periodical, which, by the way, is still published, allow easy tracing of the first mentions of the " Ukrainian" people[105]. This euphemism was born for the first time on October 15, 1914, two months after the outbreak of the First World War, when the plan for dismembering the united Russian people and the Russian Empire was finalized.

Supported by the U.S., the Austrian project to " Ukrainize" Eastern Galicia and transform it into the center of " a special Ukrainian culture, " as we understand quite well, was not altruistic at all. It was about " cognitive management, " since the monarchy was not ready to " digest" 30 million new Ukrainians. During the Civil War, (Austrian) Galician Uniates slaughtered Poles and Red Army soldiers, and Uniate priests became the ideological core of the Ukrainian and German Nazis during the Second World War, butchering the civilian population of Western Ukraine until the 1950s.

These traditions of genociding the Subcarpathian Ruthenians in the First World War, and then of stepwise extermination of Russian residents of Galicia until the middle of the last century, were reincarnated on the Kiev Maidan. According to the confession of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church (UGCC), up to half of those attending the Maidan belonged to their congregation. The temples of Greek Catholics and dissenting Kiev Patriarchate were turned into militant bases. Uniate priests called for violence and murder. The UGCC and the UOC-KP received strong support from Washington, where they arrived on February 5, 2014 (" Day of Ukraine in the United States" ) to participate in the National Prayer Breakfast with President Obama and other U.S. politicians. And on the eve of the bloody events in the center of Kiev, the Pope announced the creation of the Crimean UGCC Exarchate, intended to strengthen the positions of the Uniates and other anti-Russian forces in the region. By the way, today, Rome actively promotes in the public consciousness through the things said by the Pope the idea of the same historical responsibility for the Second World War of the Nazi regime of Hitler and the political regime of Stalin, essentially equating them.

It follows from the above that Ukrainian Nazism has a borrowed and imported nature. It did not grow up from the Ukrainian cultural environment, but was always introduced from outside – Austria-Hungary, Poland, Germany and the United States. Therefore, it does not have its own cultural Ukrainian ground. Modern Ukrainian Nazis do not know not only Russian but also Ukrainian culture, which is replaced for them by an all-blinding hatred of everything Russian. They do not speak Ukrainian well. In their leading stratum, there are almost no ethnic Ukrainians. Debates in the Verkhovna Rada amaze with pettiness of their content, being substituted with squabbling and fisticuffs.

At the same time, all those who are now depicted by nativists as national heroes on the blue-and-yellow banners, initially were insulted when named " Ukrainians." The passports of Ivan Franko and Lesya Ukrainka (Kosach) have entries " Rusyn" and " Rusynka." In his manifesto to the Cossacks, Bohdan Khmelnytsky writes thus: " I, the hereditary Russian nobleman, hereby command..." A. Skovoroda wrote about himself: " I’m a barefoot Russian philosopher." And the above-mentioned Franko recorded the following in his diary: " I was deeply insulted today, I was called a Ukrainian, although everyone knows that I’m a Rusyn." We also know the position regarding the issue of " Ukrainism" taken by Taras Shevchenko, the patriarch of Ukrainian literature, who with equal talent wrote both in Ukrainian and in Russian. His works and poems were included in the treasury of both Ukrainian and Russian classical literature. Shevchenko did not separate Ukraine from Russia and did not imagine their separate existence. There is not a single work about separate living. He stormed at his neighbors (mostly concerning serfdom, a remnant of the past economic system), but he did not call for parting with them.

Shevchenko actually wrote about two dozen pieces in Russian[106].

The ancestor of Ukrainian literature quite clearly points to the external reason for dissociation of the Slavic peoples:

 

" …'Twas thus the Germans to the torch

The Slavic mansion put, and rent

The family of Slavs apart,

And slyly planted in their hearts

The savage serpent of dissent..." (" The Heretic" )

 

At that time, the Russian people lived in unity of Great Russians, Little Russians and Belorussians, and the Ukrainian poet could never have imagined the separation between Russia and Ukraine, which he loved as his Little Motherland included in the great Russian-Slavic world. He had a dream:

 

" …The brothers at each other gazed

And fondly recognized,

Clasped hands in love, and warmly vowed

Forever friends to be!

And all the Slavic rivers flowed

Into a common sea! " (" The Heretic" )

 

"...While I pray to God

That all Slavs as faithful brothers,

As one man should stand,

True sons of the sun of justice..." (" The Heretic" )

 

And a self-evident thing for Shevchenko is integration of the entire Slavic world under the scepter of the Russian Emperor:

 

"...Love each other, children of glory,

Love will save us!

Glory, honor to you forever,

Our double-headed eagle!

For you will pull us from slavery

And by your talons

From long neglect you will bring to light

The Slavic destiny! " (" To Slavs" )

 

Shevchenko, who called Slavs " children of glory, " imagined their unification only within the geographical framework of the Russian Empire extended by the Slavic lands of the fallen Byzantine Empire:

 

"...Ye children of glory,

Your era is dawning:

From Bá nsá g to Kamchatka

The sound of voices rings out.

From Bá nsá g to Kamchatka,

From Finland to Bosporus

The mystery of a great dispute

Is being resolved..." (" To Slavs" )

 

In this dispute between the Slavs and their eternal oppressors, the Germanic tribes, Shevchenko clearly does not side with the " European choice" of the current Ukrainian leadership. He would unequivocally have cursed the dissenters, grant-eaters, journalists and oligarchs who seduced part of the people of Ukraine with a mirage of European integration to separate it from the Russian World:

 

 

"...Woe unto them who suppressed minds

With the word of God,

And used the truth

For covetousness and mammon.

Woe unto scholars

That qualified evil things as good,

And unto them who were hiding the holy truth

From common folk,

Unto all venal philosophers!

The spirit of sanctity

Will disperse their cunning

Like dust across the wilderness! " (" To Slavs" )

 

Thus the great Ukrainian poet draws the line, emphasizing the inevitable unity of the Slavic-Russian Orthodox world.

Therefore, Ukrainian nazism was engendered by the anti-Russian policy of the West. Formed initially by Austria-Hungary in order to establish control over the Carpatho-Russia and perform genocide of the Rusyns, it was also directed at stirring up separatism in Malorossiya and Novorossiya to undermine the Russian Empire from within. Today it became an instrument of imperial policy of the U.S., that uses it as a weapon against Russia aided by modern technologies of nation-building. Ideologically, it is the successor of Ukrainian fascism, nurtured by Hitlerite Germany as an improvised means for exploitation and intimidation of the people of Ukraine during its occupation. However, thanks to modern consciousness manipulation technology, it has become much more sophisticated and effective. Whereas the Hitlerite henchmen tried to control enslaved compatriots through direct violence, counting on fear, the neo-Nazis brought up by Americans have high-class experts, speakers and technologists who can worm themselves into one’s confidence, make one believe an outright lie, hate one’s parents and brethren without objective grounds. The technologies used by them proved to be so effective that they allowed to create in two decades a new nation out of the clever, educated and cultural post-Soviet people, united by one idea of killing everything Russian. Let us consider them in more detail.

 

 

The criminal activities

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